Booms

The situations of the gentlemen who aspire to head their Parties' tickets in 1924 changed little except for a certain amount of " crystallization" --the natural result of approaching Presidential primaries.

In South Dakota " county proposal meetings" were held to choose delegates to state conventions of each Party, to be held Dec. 4. These conventions, according to South Dakota's practice, will select first and second choices to appear on Presidential primary ballots in the Spring. Most of the delegates chosen were uninstructed. In the Republican State Convention it will be a contest between the Hiram Johnson and the Coolidge men; in the Democratic, between McAdoo and Ford supporters; in the Farmer-Labor, between Ford and La Follette. In the Democratic contest, it was reported that McAdoo was sure to be chosen, but most of the reports emanated from the McAdoo camp. It is likely that all the men above named will be placed on the primary ballots, but which in first, and which in second place is uncertain.

Calvin Coolidge. The President has made no open move for nomination. He does not need to. His only open opponent, so far, is Hiram Johnson. The Chairman of the Republican State Committee of Massachusetts declared that all his state's delegates will be for Coolidge. Senator Willis of Ohio asserted that his state probably would have no favorite sons, since President Harding left no " heirs or assigns." Senator Watson announced that he might enter the Indiana primaries as a favorite son, so that Hiram Johnson would not get Indiana's delegation by default. In that case Mr. Watson would be expected, if all went well, to deliver up his delegation to Mr. Coolidge at the National Convention. Perhaps Mr. Watson or some other favorite son doing similarly might be nominated for Vice President.

Hiram W. Johnson. The Senator from California is literally doing his best, as he promised, to get into the primaries in every state. He expects to enter, it is known, in California, South Dakota, Nebraska, Indiana and even Massachusetts. The last state is, of course, pro-Coolidge, but it is surmised that the Californian hopes to gather a few delegates there in order to offset the situation in his own state. Mr. Johnson's fences are in none too good repair at home. The California Republican organization is against him, the southern Californians do not like his isolationist policies and the Hoover-Coolidge supporters are strong. Mr. Johnson's campaign is barely getting started and it will probably have plenty of financial backing. William Wrigley, Jr. (chewing gum) and Albert D. Lasker (advertising), ex-Chairman of the Shipping Board, are evidently behind him.

William G. McAdoo. The McAdoo boom is more widespread (with the possible exception of Mr. Coolidge's) and more open than that of any other candidate. He is in the contest in nearly every state. Alabama and New York appear to be the only outstanding exceptions. Alabama is rather clearly the property of its favorite son, Senator Underwood, who is McAdoo's chief opponent. New York is also devoted to a favorite son, Governor Smith. Making a fight against a favorite son in his own state is not often good politics. Besides frequently being a waste of effort and money, it antagonizes the favorite son, whose delegation might otherwise be induced to "come over" in the closing hours of a National Convention.

Alfred E. Smith. The Governor of New York is an ardent Wet as well as a Roman Catholic. Therefore he has poor prospects. Nevertheless he may be used as a stalking horse by the three anti-McAdoo bosses, Brennan of Illinois, Taggart of Indiana, Murphy of New York, who recently sojourned together at French Lick Springs. There was talk of entering him in the Illinois primaries to prevent a McAdoo victory there.

Oscar W. Underwood. The Senaator from Alabama is openly afield, but his organization is not yet nationally active. There is some doubt whether he can carry even the entire South against McAdoo. Texas, for example, is reported in favor of the latter.

Henry Ford. The Michigander is coquetting so long with all Parties, and all platforms, without announcing his affections, that there is danger of all state delegations becoming wedded to other candidates, and his entire boom turning into a strange, new form of automobile advertising. Nevertheless there is strong sentiment for him in the West. The chief supporters of his boom, so far, are, however, only the dilletant politicians, gentlemen without much electoral potency.

In the background for the Demo-cratic nomination persistently remain Senator Ralston of Indiana, Governor Bryan of Nebraska, Governor Silzer of New Jersey, Senator Copeland of New York--especially the first. One of the others may well turn into Vice Presidential timber.

Governor Pinchot of Pennsylvania also hangs on the ragged edge of Republican candidacy, with a substantial public following but no political organization of national scope.