Booms

For all the oil odium promiscuously disposed on politicians of all parties, positive evidence is still lacking that it has affected the Presidential aspirations of any candidate. Last week brought two dramatic struggles, one in North Dakota, one in Georgia. Politicians may have overestimated the effect of oil, or its promiscuity may have ruined its effectiveness, or it may be lying in wait to spring forth decisively later. At any rate last week's primaries were Presidential primaries, not oil primaries.

Three Republicans. In the primaries of North Dakota, William G. McAdoo stood unopposed for the Democratic nomination, leaving the real fight in the Republican camp between Coolidge, Hiram Johnson and La Follette. Coolidge was planted firmly on the ballot. So was Johnson. Before putting himself there he had assurances that Mr. La Follette did not enter. But he was entered--by his followers. Thereupon Mr. La Follette said he was not a candidate. His followers insisted he was. Johnson men instituted legal proceedings to have La Follette's name kept off the ballot. They won, but they incurred the hostility of the La Follette voters.

Shortly before the primary La Follette forces distributed stickers--some 200,000 of them--bearing Mr. La Follette's name which were to be pasted on the ballots by the voters.

Then voting began. Coolidge led mightily in the city districts, conservative strongholds. Johnson was second, half a length behind; La Follette third. But the farmers of North Dakota were liberal with their saliva. Sticker on sticker was pasted on the ballot. Coolidge won finally. But the vote was in a 5-4-3 proportion, with La Follette second and Johnson last. The Johnson men protested that Coolidge was a minority victor--that the sticker campaign had merely served to split the progressive vote.

Result: Thirteen mere delegates for Coolidge at the Republican Convention --delegates which at the present prospect he won't need; Johnson hopes somewhat shaken; La Follette with unexpected strength in view of the fact that his name wasn't printed on the ballot

Meanwhile it was bruited about that the Senator from Wisconsin was ready to head a third party movement. He will have at least the Wisconsin delegation in the Republican convention. But it is practically impossible that he should get the Republican nomination, which he would like. On a separate ticket he might well carry Wisconsin, the Dakotas, Minnesota and Montana-- and enough electoral votes to throw the election into the House of Representatives, where he holds the balance of power. Even so, the chance of his final election would be small. Perhaps he merely permits the rumor, in order to have a club to hold over the makers of the Republican platform. Perhaps he means business. Politicians would like to know.

Two Democrats. The Democratic primary in Georgia was a contest between the two great champions, Senator Oscar W. Underwood of Alabama and William G. McAdoo, now of California.

The Underwood activity was undertaken mostly during the last five weeks of the campaign after the oil disclosures which, it was felt, had hurt McAdoo. The Senator himself made a speech some months ago before the Georgia legislature, and Senator Heflin, his colleague from Alabama, went there at the end of the campaign to make a plea in his behalf.

Mr. McAdoo had had his groundwork well laid in Georgia since last December. Just before the primary he arrived to make a speaking tour. First he went to Marietta, his birthplace, and visited the old house, still pockmarked with General Sherman's bullets--the house from which he, as a boy, was carried away from the invading Yankees. There he met Aunt Julia, his onetime Negro mammy, and Uncle Jim. Aunt Julia was quoted as saying: "Sho. I'se tellum's bad boy, and jes shuck an' shuck an' spank 'im. Then Ise tellum he gwine be Presiden' for sho."

In an address at Marietta he began: "Breathes there a man with soul so dead,

Who never to himself has said,

This is my own, my native land?"

At Atlanta he began: "Fellow Georgians. I have come back to Georgia, where I was born, because of your cordial invitation, and the irresistible allurement of Georgia hospitality. ... I feel that whatever of character and capacity I have developed and whatever public service I have been able to render is due to the Georgia school in which I was reared and the Georgia spirit I imbibed."

He spoke besides at Augusta, Macon and Savannah, attacking the Republicans for the oil scandal, the high tariff, the Esch-Cummins railroad law.

In the primary McAdoo polled about five votes to Underwood's three and assured himself of Georgia's 28 delegates to the Democratic convention.

His opponents said it was a victory for the Ku Klux Klan. But the W. C. T. U., the Anti-Saloon League, and the railway men also helped to augment his total. Among the counties he carried was Cobb, his birthplace. He lost Baldwin County, however, in which part of his boyhood was spent.

Result: More votes for McAdoo in the Democratic convention; a blow at Senator Underwood's hopes.

The political prognosticators blew on their hands. "McAdoo," they said, "will go to the Convention with more votes than anyone else--but not enough to nominate him. He won't be nominated but he'll have a chance to say who will be--Senator Ralston of Indiana, perhaps, or Senator Carter Glass of Virginia."

Tom Taggart, Democratic boss of Indiana, was quick to take advantage of that suggestion. "Senator Ralston was brought up in the country," he declared. "He's lived outdoors all his life. He's in fine health for a Presidential campaign, a baseball game or anything else that requires physical exertion, despite his 65 years. He's taken natural exercise all his life and there's nothing wheezy or run down about him."