Dark Horse Days

Republicans have almost, if not quite, forgotten that their convention at Cleveland is to nominate a Presidential candidate. They are discussing, but very unconvincingly, Vice Presidential aspirants. The only definite opinion about the man to be put up for Vice President was that he should be a Westerner, preferably a far-Westerner.

But the Democrats had more exciting business in hand. It was an assured matter that no candidate, not even McAdoo, would go to the Democratic Convention with half of the delegates instructed. Claims of greater numbers must be taken with a grain of salt. But in the Democratic Convention, with its two-thirds requirement, one third-- 365 delegates--can impose a veto on the aspirations of any candidate. McAdoo is likely to control this type of veto against the Smith-Underwood group. The Smith-Underwood group is not unlikely to have a similar stop on McAdoo. The logic of the situation calls loudly for a dark horse, especially since most of the delegates have second choices.

But who? There are ex-candidate Cox of Ohio, Senator Ralston of Indiana, Governor Davis of Kansas, Senator Robinson of Arkansas, Governor Bryan of Nebraska, Senator Ferris of Michigan, Governor Silzer of New Jersey, Senator Kendrick of Wyoming, Governor Ritchie of Maryland, former Senator Saulsbury of Delaware--all of them have pledged delegates; they are favorite sons. But are they possible dark horses?

Several of them certainly are not. Some of them are: Ralston, for example, or Robinson. But the dark horse need not be one of the favorite sons, such a one for example, as John W. Davis, Senator Carter Glass or even Senator Copeland. Since McAdoo will have the largest block of votes, a most significant thing to know--if it can be known--is: "Who will be McAdoo's second choice, if McAdoo himself cannot win?"

The most talked-of man for this choice has of late been Carter Glass. This may be mere political talk; Glass is much more conservative than McAdoo--he was, for example, against the soldiers' bonus. But consistency is not always essential in politics, and Glass has a way of getting things without catering to the donors. He is the son of a late Confederate officer. He began with nothing and managed to set himself up as the proprietor of both morning and evening newspapers in his home city, Lynchburg, Va. He was elected to the State Senate while lying on a sick-bed in Manhattan. Four years later he went to Congress from which he resigned (1919) to take an appointment as Secretary of the Treasury in the Wilson cabinet. When he left that post he was appointed Senator from Virginia.

In manner he is quiet and capable. He has a strong chin, graying red hair. In constitution, and hence disposition, he is inclined to be dyspeptic. But, overcoming physical difficulties, he has a way of applying himself to the business in hand and bringing forth a thoroughly sound and common sense conclusion. The late Senator Ollie James of Kentucky once compared him to a snapping turtle. "He looks harmless, but just prod him once and see how quick he'll bite you!"

Of campaigning for nomination he has done none, in the overt sense. But a recent speech in Manhattan indicates his political attitude:

"I have respect for President Coolidge, and I sympathize with him because of his frightful legacy. I have said that if ever I should become President--" (applause).

"As I said, if I were President, and I should find the Treasury menaced by an unjust obligation of $4,000,000,000, such as the soldiers' bonus, and I could not summon enough votes from my party to sustain my veto, I would resign.*

"We must go before the people on the question of taxation, on great local questions and questions of foreign relations. We had a Mellon plan. The papers said that Mr. Mellon was the greatest Secretary since Hamilton. He is an able man, perhaps the ablest in the Cabinet. He has adopted the exact policy of his Democratic predecessors (Houston, Glass, McAdoo), and I have challenged the Republicans to show where he has established any project not advocated before him by the Democrats.

"The man of moderate means saw little visible sign of relief under the Mellon plan. He had to rely upon the reflected benevolence of the wealthy. While I do not advocate demagogical slogans, such as 'swat the rich,' I believe in going all down the line and relieving the little fellow as well as the rich man in taxation.

"The Republicans shy at a deficit in the Treasury, but that is one thing that is very much needed. If Republicans had possessed courage they would have created a deficit and then we would not have had a bonus. The surplus was just an invitation to the Treasury raiders."

*This declaration suggests interesting politics. If Calvin Coolidge resigned, Charles E. Hughes would become President. He would resign because of Japanese exclusion, enacted in spite of his opposition. Next President would be Andrew W. Mellon, who would resign because the Mellon Bill was defeated. Next John W. Weeks, who would resign because a commission was not named to sell Muscle Shoals. Next Harlan F. Stone, who would resign because Congress had usurped his investigating authority. Next Harry S. New, who would resign over the Postal Pay Act. Next Curtis D. Wilbur, who would re-sign because Congress would not permit the raising of guns on our battleships. Next Hubert Work, who might resign just to see what would happen, for there would then be no President of the U. S. Messrs. Wallace, Hoover, and Davis could not succeed--since the Departments of Agriculture, Commerce, Labor were not in existence when the law of succession was passed (1886).