Monday, Nov. 17, 1924
Recasting
From the standpoint of the politician, the business of government is but an interlude between elections. One battle is over and it may well rest in its grave. But the flotsam of this struggle is the foundation of the next. What is this foundation for the several parties ?
Republican. To the victors belong the spoils. Continued patronage will strengthen the Republican organization during the next four years. This election, by putting a damper on radicalism, has helped to unify the Republican party by suppressing insurgency. Its normally strong financial position not only stood the test of campaign in which about $4,000,000 was collected from an estimated 80,000 people, but also it was reported that the Treasury had cash in the bank and no debts--a far different condition from the deficit of $1,400,000 to which the party fell heir after the 1920 election.
Democratic. Since the Civil War, this Party has ridden to success only four times--twice with Grover Cleveland, twice with Woodrow Wilson. The rest of the time, largely under the tutelage of William Jennings Bryan, its presidential record has been inglorious. Indeed, even when Mr. Bryan has not piloted the donkey himself, he has usually ridden behind the jockey. Numbers of Democrats say his riding has made the donkey lame.
Woodrow Wilson was led to remark as early as 1907: "Would that we could do something, at once dignified and effective, to knock Mr. Bryan once for all into a cocked hat!" And the late learned and Democratic Walter Hines Page summed up his opinion of Mr. Bryan for Colonel House with the remark : "Crank once, crank always."
In the late campaign, the Democratic Party was defeated about as decisively as in 1920 -- more so in one respect : it ran third in 13 states. The Demo cratic New York World was moved to print the following editorially ;
"The Incubus
"If the Democratic Party is to wage a successful campaign in 1928 or any subsequent year, it must be done for ever with Mr. Bryan, his family and his platforms."
Mr. Bryan himself commented: "The Democratic Party remains the only hope of the progressive element of the country . . . .
"Mr. Coolidge carried eight states by a minority vote ; these might have been taken from him had the Progressives been united.
"If the Democrats do half as well two years from now as they did two years ago, they will control the next Congress and lay the foundations for the campaign of 1928."
Mr. Bryan first began at the Democratic Convention this year by denouncing John W. Davis. Mr. Davis, when nominated, chose the commoner's brother for his running mate--a thing which, according to politicians, was done to appease the great Bryan. Yet the two Bryans, as allies, were singularly unable to carry the West. Willingly or unwillingly, they handed it over to the enemy.
So, the campaign over, Mr. Bryan again retired to his home at Miami, still referring to the Democratic Party as "We." He announced his intention of writing his memoirs; one disgruntled Democrat remarked that they had best be called The Decline and Fall of the Democratic Party.
Another conjectured reason for the failure of the Democratic Party is "betrayal" by William G. McAdoo. Of ten western states that at the Democratic Convention were listed as McAdoo states--California, Idaho, Iowa. Kansas, Montana, Nevada, Oregon, South Dakota, Washington, North Dakota--Mr. Davis carried not one; in fact he ran third in all of them except Kansas. "Is not McAdoo holding out on us," some Democrats cried at the time, "trying to prove that he is the only man who could carry the West for us?"
Looking ahead four years, one sees few leaders among the Democrats who now show signs of ability to lead the Party out of the wilderness. Mr. McAdoo, back on the Pacific, is already reported to be lining up his forces for a new attack in 1928--the first step of which, it is said, will be an attempt to remove Clem L. Shaver as Democratic National Chairman. In the East, Governor Al Smith has a claim because he rewon his state by 100,000 votes and ran some 900,000 ahead of Davis. In the Middle West, Governor A. Victor Donahey of Ohio became a hero by a similar feat. But can either of the last two gentlemen nationalize themselves?
It remains to be seen. Meanwhile, the pathway of the Democratic Party is not made easier by a deficit of some $200,000 remaining from this campaign or by the division within its own ranks surviving the last Convention.
Progressive. The way the third ticket ran may be estimated in two ways: 1) by comparison with hopes, aid, expectations; 2) by comparison with previous third party efforts.
The LaFollette group had talked of carrying five to nine states. They had the support of the Socialist Party, which normally polls from one-half to one million votes; the endorsement of the American Federation of Labor with some three million members; and an endorsement from the Steuben Society, which promised the support of 6,000,000 German-Americans. It had the support of the Non-Partisan League of North Dakota, of the Farmer-Laborites and of the "discontented" farmers who had elected insurgent Republicans. Its paper strength was around twelve millions. Actually it was between four and five millions. Compared with Roosevelt's historic third party, Senator LaFollette carried one state and thirteen electoral votes to Roosevelt's six states and 88 electoral votes.
Nevertheless, four or five million votes is a remarkable achievement as third parties go. But Senator LaFollette is no longer young; and the leadership of his movement, if it is to continue, must pass into younger hands. It is dubious whether Senator Wheeler can successfully carry it--he has exhibited more fighting than building ability. Senator Brookhart has received a bad fright.
Will a leader come from Labor? The American Federation of Labor meets on the 17th of this month, at its annual convention, at El Paso. The question, of preserving the third party will doubtless come up.
But to expect a political savior to step full-grown from the forehead of the Federation is excessive. The development of political wings on the labor chrysalis will take time. Moreover, if Labor is to be the prime mover in the third party, one may expect it to lose its hold on the Farmers--a hold which even under Mr. LaFollette's direction is none too firm. And, in addition, Labor must develop a new champion to succeed the aging Mr. Gompers.
Of course, a movement is under way to perpetuate the new party. Mr. LaFollette with his bloody-but-unbowed attitude issued a post-election statement:
"The American people have chosen to retain in power the reactionary Republican Administration with its record of corruption and subservience to the dictates of organized monopoly.
"The Progressives will not be dismayed with this result. We have just begun to fight."