In Parliament

It is perhaps truer of France than of any representative democracy in the world that personality plays the prominent role in politics. Last week, the greatest interest ought to have been evinced in the Painleve Government's policy, but it was not. France was far more interested in Finance Minister Joseph Caillaux, "the man who came back."

Chamber of Deputies:

As Premier Paul Painleve, followed by his ministers, took his seat on the Government bench, the Right parties of the Chamber arose, yelled: "Amnesty for Lenoir and Bolo Pasha."* The Premier began to read his ministerial policy. He touched upon the War sacrifices made by France. "Caillaux, get up the dead!" cried deputies (the bitter insinuation that the dead were turning in their graves because the hated Caillaux was again Minister of Finance).

"We appeal," continued the Premier, "to the patriotism of the country." "Even to that of Caillaux," rejoined Royalist Deputy Ybarnegaray. M. Painleve went on. He referred to the rights of the wounded; the latter part of his sentence was drowned in a roar from the extreme Left (Communist) benches of: "Chemin des Dames" (name of a French disaster which happened during the Premier's first term of office, 1917).

M. Caillaux sat, his fingers nervously tapping the desk, his bald head alternately red and white. Several times he rose to defend himself against the flagellations of his enemies; each time the friendly arm of M. Painleve shot out to restrain him. Six times the Premier arose to his defense, twice M. Briand, the Foreign Minister, rose on a similar errand.

M. Cachin, Communist, berated the Finance Minister because he and noc the Communists had been amnestied. "We ask of you," he pleaded, "not to forget those other unfortunates who await their liberation. With you in power, amnesty ought to be complete."

Then up jumped Charles Bertrand, ardent Nationalist. He roared: "Have we reached the point when we must choose between bankruptcy and M. Caillaux? Bankruptcy would be bet ter, for the reinstatement of M. Caillaux shows moral bankruptcy, which is infinitely the worse of the two."

Pointing his index finger at M. Caillaux, he continued: "You have never ceased to protest your innocence. In that case, you ought to have demanded a retrial. You have preferred to come back here by the back door of electoral amnesty. . . . You doubted the possibility of victory [in the War] and risked the ruin of France. Not only do I refuse my confidence, but I consider your presence on the Government bench a defiance of the dead and living."

The walls trembled with a mixed chorus of applause and protest as the heated Deputy resumed his seat.

In defense of his Minister, Premier Painleve said that his keenest impression of M. Caillaux was that, in 1914, just after the Battle of the Marne, he (Caillaux) had urged him to use his to the three great problems confronting the country--Finance, Religion, Security--was set forth:

Finance. Development and execution of the Experts' (Dawes) Plan; settlement of inter-Allied debts; no further advances from the Bank of France to the State; no capital levy; no consolidation of bonds, but heavier taxation and a permanently balanced budget.

M. Andre Maginot, ex-Minister of War in the Poincare Cabinet and leader of the Nationalist Opposition, said that the Government's proposal was accept able to his party, but that it could not tolerate M. Caillaux's presence in the Cabinet. "There still is in this country," he asseverated, "too great grief, too many mourners, too many wounded men for us to tolerate that."

Religion. "A highly qualified representative" to be sent to represent France at the Vatican; agreement on religious matters with Alsace and Lorraine with the fullest consultation and cooperation with the representatives of those Provinces, taking into account all local rights; rigorous enforcement of the lois laiques for the separation of Church and State.

The Government's policy in this respect was almost a complete negation of ex-Premier Herriot's and was unquestionably an attempt to placate the Nation before taxing it.

Security. In announcing his for eign policy, M. Briand professed himself faithful to the League Protocol, mortally wounded by the silver rapier of British Foreign Secretary Chamberlain's oratory (TIME, Mar. 23, INTERNATIONAL), as embodying France's cherished objectives--Security, Arbitration, Disarmament.

Beyond a declaration that France desired the peace and stability of the world, M. Briand said nothing and his policy was identical to that followed by the Herriot Cabinet. It was understood that, inasmuch as M. Briand is shortly to go to London to meet Mr. Chamberlain, he was not opposed in principle to the pact offered by Germany and sponsored by Britain (TiME, Mar. 16, INTERNATIONAL).

The Chamber then passed a vote of confidence in the Government by 304 to 218 votes.

By a vote of 266, representing the entire Cartel des Gauches (Left Bloc), the Chamber elected ex-Premier Edouard Herriot its President.

The naval budget for 1925, amounting to 40,000,000 francs, was passed 422 to 29 votes, the latter number representing the Communists.

Actually a four-year program costing 3,194,000.000 francs was passed; but only 40,000,000 francs was applicable to this year's budget. This program calls for the construction between now and 1929 of 75 naval units of classes unaffected by the Washington Conference.

Senate:

The Cabinet's program was read to the Senators by Minister of Justice Jules Steeg. Absolute silence prevailed. A vote of confidence in the Government was reserved.

Two days later, Finance Minister Joseph Caillaux faced the Senators, 287 of whom, out of a total of 423, had condemned him five years before for treason (TIME, June 2). M. Caillaux expounded his financial policy. The Senate listened attentively, deferentially, but said nothing. This was taken to mean that the Upper House was prepared to give the Finance Minister a chance before passing judgment either on him or the Government.

Parliament then adjourned until May 25.