In Los Angeles

U. S. trade unionism, comprising more than 3,000,000 citizens sent its delegates to Los Angeles, Calif., for the 47th annual convention of the American Federation of Labor. First the delegates held departmental meetings--bricklayers to discuss bricklaying, machinists to talk machinery, etc. Then the Executive Council published its annual report, making the following points:

'Ware Labor Banks. Let the banking difficulties of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers (TIME, July 4, Aug. 1) be a warning to Labor not to rush into banking schemes and investment companies until the whole subject of Labor banking for itself has been further explored and studied.

Statistics v. Strikes. The A. F. of L. has definitely adopted a new way of arguing for higher wages. It will "rely on facts rather than force." The strike will be held in abeyance as a weapon of last resort. Labor will compile, interpret and argue with figures first.

Five-Day Week. From 1776 to 1835, the U. S. workday was 12 to 14 hours. Between 1840 and 1870, it was ten hours. By 1918, it had been lowered to eight hours. The next objective of the A. F. of L. is to reduce the U. S. working week to five days.

Communism. In the Passaic (N. J.) textile workers' strike last winter, in the woman's garment industry, and in the Manhattan fur workers' strike, Communist machinations were exposed and defeated by A. F. of L. members.

Motor Workers. As decided last year in Detroit, the A. F. of L.'s next big task is to unionize the automobile industry. This work is well afoot.

Politics. Let Labor's political action in 1924, when it endorsed La Follette because neither Democrats nor Republicans sought to please Labor, be a warning to the two big parties next year.

What the late Samuel Gompers would have thought of the Executive Council's decision to "rely on facts rather than force" was something that gave oldtime militants in the A. F. of L. much food for reflection. Nor was this food seasoned by anything peppery in the keynote remarks of the leader upon whom the Gompers mantle fell three years ago. He, President William Green, euphemizes strikes as "our economic powers." He is a student of such economic abstractions as "collective bargaining," such legalistic abstractions as "jurisdictional disputes." He does not place the unions above the law. He argues almost academically for the continuance of prosperity through the distribution of wealth to workers by high wages.

The Keynote struck by President Green was Gompersian enough-- Labor will continue to fight "government by injunction."

Other Speakers, however, were more closely listened to than the keynoter, including:

Owen D. Young, board chairman of the General Electric Co., a vast open-shop organization, did not speak in person. President Green quoted him; quoted from a speech Mr. Young once made at Harvard, when Mr. Young said: "Slowly we are learning that low wages for labor do not mean high profits for capital. What we need to know is the limits within which men may work with zest, spirit and pride of accomplishment." Just as Mr. Young's speech had originally startled old-fashioned employers, by its proximity to Labor doctrine, so did the quotation of Mr. Young at a Labor convention startle old-fashioned organizers. Should this keep up there would soon be nothing left for Labor and Capital to fight about.

Governor Clement Calhoun Young of California and Lieutenant Governor Burton Fitts both welcomed the delegates warmly.

Secretary of Labor James John Davis endeared himself by championing the cause of trade unionism and high wages with an emphasis that must have impressed Los Angeles, the convention city. Los Angeles boasts that it is the second largest open-shop city in the U. S. Secretary Davis also emphasized the interdependence and mutual obligations of Labor and Capital and explained coal troubles by the fact that that industry has 300,000 more workers than it can support.

U. S. Senator Hiram Johnson attacked "certain great interests" (public utilities) in control of elections in Illinois and Pennsylvania, and cast aspersions upon the Coolidge Administration for not denouncing these interests. Senator Johnson was applauded.

Back to Babel. By far the most important topic of the convention was the withdrawal of the A. F. of L.'s Building Trades Department from the National Board of Jurisdictional Awards. The latter, now collapsed, was a board composed of civil engineers, architects, contractors and other employers, and of workers in the building trades, which was formed to settle disputes as to what workmen should do what sorts of work and how. Labor accused the other members of the Board of failing to carry out the Board's decisions. Secretary of Labor Davis deplored Labor's withdrawal. A return to the confusion at Babel was predicted if contractors, engineers, architects, et al. are once more obliged to deal separately with the conflicting claims and rules of union electricians, plumbers, masons, carpenters, steel workers, et al.

Resolutions. In the days of Samuel Gompers, a routine resolution of A. F. of L. conventions was one demanding recognition of Soviet Russia. But no such resolution came forward last year or last week. When hypervigilant Los Angeles police arrested two alleged Reds at the convention's door, the delegates scoffed at police and prisoners alike.

Towards Negroes, the A. F. of L. remained unchanged, refusing again to vote Negroes an equal status with whites in U. S. unions.*

Resolutions were passed to establish a country-wide network of Labor radio stations; to advise the British Government to employ union labor in building its new embassy in Washington, D. C.

P: The convention had another week to run.

*Detroit is the largest. The A. F. of L. enrolls special Negro unions.