Pre-Convention

Mr. Coolidge. Three weeks ago, a Republican committee at Cheyenne, Wyo., adopted a resolution setting forth that Calvin Coolidge had advanced the U. S. materially, intellectually, morally; that he had been "a factor for good" internationally; that his wisdom and beneficence should not be interrupted and that, therefore, Calvin Coolidge was requested "to waive his personal preference and consent to continue . . ."

When this resolution reached the White House last week, the political air was full of similar sentiments, expressed for various reasons by Republican statesmen in Illinois, Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts. Unlike the Wyoming statesmen, however, the others were not dignifying their admiration for President Coolidge by formal petitions to him. For example, in Chicago, Mayor William Hale ("Big Bill") Thompson was frankly borrowing the Coolidge virtues as window-dressing for a campaign in behalf of discredited Governor Len Small.

So President Coolidge sent an answer to Wyoming, in a certain way. He told his secretary what to say, and let the secretary sign the letter. This procedure, after "I do not choose" (August) and "My wishes will be respected" (December), seemed intended to show that the Everlasting Nay had now become a matter of office routine. Secretary Sanders wrote: "The President directs me to say that he must decline to grant the request of the committee."

But the "Coolidge-anyway" movement continued, anyway.

Mr. Hoover. Candidate Hoover last week made his first campaign speech. It was so brief, so quiet that only one newspaper (the New York World) heard about it until the next day. It was in Washington, at a banquet which the 80-odd U. S. Representatives invited were asked to keep secret. It took the form of a bow, some thanks, an exhortation to keep fighting and a promise to vindicate the fighters' choice. Representative Dyer of Missouri enlivened the evening with a veritable placing-in-nomination speech, but of greater significance was a statement by Campbell Bascom Slemp, astute Virginian. Mr. Slemp, onetime (1923-25) private secretary to President Coolidge and until that evening known as an outstanding "Coolidge-anyway" man, confessed to personal Hooverism and virtually promised the hitherto uninstructed Virginia delegation (15 strong). Also, since Mr. Slemp's talent for delegate-charming is almost fabulous, and since he had just returned from a Southern tour, observers were inclined to credit Hooverism with the week's chief forward march.

Mr. Reed. Having roused the Southwest, stirred the Midwest and harangued the Kentucky Legislature, Candidate Reed last week set forth for fresh adventures in North Carolina, Tennessee, Wisconsin. After those States, he said, he would visit Indiana, Ohio, West Virginia, Mississippi, Alabama, South Carolina, Georgia, New York. He said he was sure people were glad he had revived a method of campaigning that was "good enough for Abraham Lincoln." A Reed campaign fund was begun by his Missouri friends. The slogan: "A Dollar a Man."

Mr. Robinson. To the great regret of the W. C. T. U., the Democratic State Committee of Arkansas last week chose, but did not instruct, the 22 delegates who will cast Arkansas' 18 nominating votes. Smith supporters cheered, hoping that the Committee's neutrality meant that Candidate Smith would get these delegates quietly at the proper time. In Washington, however, Senators Robinson and Caraway of Arkansas both voiced doubts that Arkansas could be pro-Smith. Senator Robinson took pains to explain that he was not going to play favorite-son-in-the-manger. Democrats wondered what it meant when following these occurrences Senator Robinson went to Manhattan to dine with William Gibbs McAdoo (proponent of Candidate Walsh), Samuel W. Fordyce (campaign manager for Candidate Reed) and that inscrutable power of the Democracy, Bernard Mannes Baruch.

"Slick Tricks." In Kansas City, Mo., host city of the G. O. P. convention, the dominant newspaper is the Star, professedly independent but usually Republican. Last fortnight the Star published an editorial advising its guests how to act after they reach town. "Slick tricks won't work," said the Star. "Clever political manipulation would arouse only resentment. The country will not stand for another nomination made privately at 2 o'clock in the morning, with the name of the hotel changed from Blackstone to Muehlebach."