Grand Old Party

(See front cover)

City. Where the Kaw River empties into the Missouri and the Missouri starts an eastern sweep to get on over and join the Mississippi, is the bottom of a great basin and a natural site for human habitation. They say you could give a freight car a shove anywhere within 300 miles of where the rivers meet (except eastward) and it would coast down to the Kansas Cities. Of these there are two. a small one in Kansas, a larger one (383,100 population) across the Kaw in Missouri. They are "the gates to the Southwest," "the continent's pantry doors." Much of the beef, more of the corn and wheat, and 40% of the oil in the U. S., are produced within a day's journey of the Kaw-Missouri confluence. The geographical centre of the U. S. is only 190 miles away near the centre of the northern Kansas boundary. The centre of U. S. population is a good 400 miles away, near Whitehall, Ind. But "an ideal spot," say Kansas Citizens, "to hold conventions concerning all the people of the U. S."

Citizens. Kansas City, Mo., is the larger and more potent of the twins through no geographical advantage, but because of its citizens. They got out and hustled in the '60s to bring the railroad bridge across the Missouri below the Kaw's mouth instead of above. Later they were idealistic as well as industrious. While Armours packed beef, and Peets made soap, and Ridenours and Bakers prospered with groceries, an Indiana contractor named William Rockhill Nelson came to town and started a newspaper, the Star. He campaigned for parks, boulevards, better residential architecture. He got public baths built and a commodious Convention Hall. An eccentric old Kentucky colonel, Thomas H. Swope, grew so enthusiastic that he donated 1,354 acres to give Kansas City, Mo., the fourth largest public park in the U. S.* Swope Park, with its bathing beach, golf courses, tennis courts, bridle paths, zoo is one of the happiest things that ever happened to a city, though the buzzards that sometimes circle over it, especially during drought, are reminders of the gruesome death of the city's benefactor./-

During the inter-city bidding for the G. O. P. Convention, last December in Washington, persons who visited the various headquarters were struck by the easy cheerfulness of Kansas City's representatives, in contrast to Detroit's anxious gogetters, Cleveland's cautious calculators, San Francisco's determined loudspeakers, Chicago's rooster-boosters. For a small city, Kansas City has extraordinary savoir-faire, and much more civility than many a larger place. Instead of permitting the G. O. P.'s reception to fall into the hands of local jobholders, a representative body of citizens got together last winter and made the plans. Flower-growing was encouraged this spring, to have the city in full bloom. A committee of 1,000 "hosts and hostesses" has been organized, to be stationed at the hotels in relays. Details so small as extra caddies at the golf clubs and the time-saving elimination of soup from table d'hote bills-of-fare, were worked out.* A political spectacle, with red fire, torches, floats, old-time stump oratory, and the whole Rotary Club enacting scenes from the Lincoln era, was in readiness. But Chairman William E. Morton of the Entertainment Committee and his able aid, Citizenness (Mrs.) C. A. Braey, wisely decided against mass entertainments.

Conventioneers. Responsibility for the physical accommodation and manipulation of the 1089 delegates at the Convention Hall itself was entrusted to a Major R. A. Gunn of Chicago, who reached Kansas City last fortnight. A "troubleshooter" is what Major Gunn called himself, /- "I will provide everything except whiskey," he said. This remark cleared Major Gunn of any connection with a $25,000 shipment of alcoholic goods, marked "phosphate" (fertilizer) and consigned vaguely to Kansas City, which was seized last week in Alabama en route from Florida.

Kansas Citizens wrote to prospective visitors and warned that the local law makes it jail offense to possess one quart of intoxicant. They also warned against conventioneering bootleggers, whose stock-in-trade this year is murderously "cut" and atrociously priced. The alternative suggested was to trust to personal Kansas City hospitality, for corn abounds there and it was from corn that mellow bourbon whisky used to be made.

Delegates. As early as last week, Kansas City newsgatherers began reporting arrivals. William Morgan Butler, national chairman of the G. 0. P., arrived and also Senator Reed Smoot of Utah, chairman of the Platform Committee. To ensure themselves privacy, these gentlemen selected several rooms apiece in various parts of the town and familiarized themselves with unobtrusive entrances and exits. Senator Smoot wanted no interruptions from avid proponents of special doctrine, especially farmer doctrine, while he is phrasing the eternal principles for which the G. O. P. will say it stands this year.

As everyone knows, the delegates to a national nominating convention go in groups from their respective States. They sit by groups and vote by groups as the roll of States is called alphabetically.**

Sometimes the group-voting is subdivided, for lack of unit rule, or because of the State boss's weakness or through actual differences in individuals' opinions. But for the most part the chairman of each delegation just stands up when his State's turn comes and announces or reiterates, "Transylvania--umpteen votes for Hooridge." Unless spectators have rare good seats, they hear little but the candidate's name, because all the delegates go on conversing, arguing or registering enthusiasm all over the pandemoniac convention floor. If a State's vote changes materially between one ballot and the next, the distant spectator will discover it, not through any change of expression in that State's delegates, but by cheers or booes from other delegations. The delegates whose votes have shifted will sit quietly, having done nothing but what they were told to do by their Boss. Seen off the floor, however, convention delegates look just like so many everyday citizens assembled to compare calmly, discuss intelligently and express independently their individual opinions as to who should be President of the U. S. Next week, Kansas Citizens may expect to see George Eastman, the grey, lean, bespectacled Kodak man, moving about the town. He is a delegate-at-large from New York. Leading the New York delegation is distinguished-looking Charles Dewey Hilles who was President Taft's secretary and later a big insurance man who felt "too poor" to accept proffered Ambassadorships. Mr. Hilles clings to the Coolidge-anyway idea.

-.Norma Talmadge's husband will be there too--fleshy Joseph M. Schenck, the cinema producer (United Artists). He is a Hooverite from California. Another California Hooverite, Lawyer John L. McNab of San Francisco, has been chosen to stand up and nominate Candidate Hoover.

The slender, well-dressed young gentleman with the Rhode Island delegation will be William H. Vanderbilt, Newport society man, lately sued for divorce.

Ohio is sending Robert A. Taft, tall son of the Chief Justice of the U. S. On the platform will be Ohio's professorial little Senator Fess, to sound the whole great convention's keynote. He will be Candidate Hoover's floor manager. In the Ohio delegation, besides patriarchal Representative Theodore Elijah Burton, will be short, rotund Charles W. Seiberling, one of the rubber brothers from Akron. Delegate Seiberling filed his candidacy on the Hoover ticket without knowing that his older brother, Frank A. Seiberling, was running on the opposing Willis slate. Charles W. telephoned Frank A., who was in Florida at the time. "Stick to your guns," he said. Older Brother answered Younger Brother: "Stick to your guns, too, Charlie." To friends, Older Brother said: "It hasn't been necessary to lick Charlie for 25 years, but if I have to do it again I guess I probably can." Then, Charles W. Seiberling's son died. The brothers did not campaign actively. Hooverizers ran the younger brother to victory over his elder in all four counties of their district.

First of the Cabinet to arrive in Kansas City was Secretary Work of the Interior Department, active Hooverizer. Postmaster New, the two Secretaries Davis and Secretary Jardine were expected. Secretary Mellon approached with the potent Pennsylvania delegation in tow.

Heading a contested South Carolina delegation was National Committeeman Joseph W. ("Tieless Joe") Tolbert, whose illkempt figure (he prefers no cravat, shaves seldom) is a recurrent feature at G. O. P. Conventions. From Georgia and Mississippi, respectively, came the two Negro National Committeemen, Benjamin Jefferson Davis and Perry W. Howard.

Ambassadors Houghton (medium height, plump cheeks) and Herrick (tall, grizzled) were due to appear, having come home from their posts in England and France, respectively, to partake in the deliberations of the party from whom they hold their portfolios. Ambassador Morrow was home from Mexico, too, but not expected in Kansas City. Mr. Morrow did his conferring last week in Washington with President Coolidge, then retired from the public scene.

A familiar figure to Kansas City was William Samuel Fitzpatrick, whose appointment as a delegate-at-large from Kansas was commented on by Democrats because Mr. Fitzpatrick is Chairman of the Prairie Oil and Gas Co., whose previous chairman (James E. O'Neil) figured in the Oil Scandals and is still a fugitive from justice. Less familiar in the Kaw country would be Vincent Massey, the Canadian "Minister to the U. S.; Jan Ciechanowski, the Polish Minister; and the two Filipino leaders, Manuel Quezon and Pedro Guevara--all attending as observers.

Delegate Otis F. Glenn of Illinois, the stocky, drawling lawyer who prosecuted the murderers at Bloody Herrin, was watched for as the man slated to place Candidate Lowden in nomination. Delegate (Mrs.) Ruth Hanna McCormick, daughter of the late famed G. 0. Politician Mark Hanna, said she had accepted the honor of seconding Delegate Glenn's motion. Other notable daughters were to be present--Mrs. Leona Knight of Providence, R. I., to cast at least one vote for her father, Candidate Curtis of Kansas; Sarah Schuyler Butler, daughter of President Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia University (he, too, is a delegate), to follow the lead of National Committeeman Charles D. Hilles in trying to "draft-Coolidge"; President Roosevelt's daughter Alice (wife of Speaker Nicholas Long-worth), to watch; and the late Speaker Joseph Gurney ("Uncle Joe") Cannon's daughter, Miss Helen Cannon of Danville, 111., "to be very quiet." Miss Cannon arrived early, to be the guest of Mrs. Jacob L. Loose (Loose-Wiles Biscuit Co.).

Among the 64 lady delegates was to be Marion Marjorie (Mrs. Worthington) Scranton, tall; stylish daughter-in-law of the family of the founder of famed Scranton, Pa. Daughter-in-law Scranton was elected to the National Committee this spring, after narrowly escaping defeat. Because she is dashingly attractive ("God's greatest gift to mankind," she was once called in a nominating speech), some of her fellow Pennsylvanians feared she might be too dashing. She probably smokes cigarets and such like, they said. But Andrew W. Mellon approved her and Mrs. Scranton was elected to succeed the late John Wanamaker's daughter, Mrs. Barclay H. Warburton, whose husband is the new Mayor of Palm Beach.

The Candidates. While the Grand Old Party holds forth in Kansas City, where will the candidates be?

President Coolidge said he would be in Washington on the convention's eve, June n, for the annual meeting of the Budget Bureau. As soon thereafter as possible he said, he would leave for Brule, Wis. (see p. 7). Commentators commented on the President's timing of the Budget meeting, when he will certainly insert his finger one last, perhaps decisive time into his Party's pie, employing the impressive gesture of a speech about U. S. finances in the most recent year of his Administration. Last week he remained no more and no less a candidate than he had been since his oracular "choice" of last August. Some observers believed that he might utter an Absolute Negative before or at the Budget meeting, for one of two purposes: to clear the track completely for Candidate Hoover, or to discountenance finally the Coolidge-anyway movement, of which the latest slogan, attributed last week to Committeeman Hilles and friends in New York, was: "Coolidge or chaos." Others said the Absolute Negative, or perhaps a Loyal Acquiescence, would go to the convention in Chairman Butler's pocket, in a letter from Mr. Coolidge to be read at the critical moment, if any. Representing the President behind the scenes at Kansas City will be his trusty secretary, Everett Sanders.

Candidate Hoover, the Administration's busy but not unworried Beaver Man, said he would stay at his desk in Washington. He had duties. He was the leading candidate and his lead rested on his record. To speak for him in Kansas City went James W. Good, who managed Mr. Coolidge in the West four years ago. Mr. Good put up big placards asking: "Who but Hoover?"

Candidate Lowden made ready to enter Kansas City in advance of the "crusade" of farmers promised by his friends (see p. 13). The farmers and their insistence were his only hope, for without them-there would be no party plank implicitly rebuking the present Administration for its farm-relief record, and without such a plank Candidate Lowden has said he would not take the nomination.

Candidate Curtis, the Party's patient, swart, Indian-blooded Senate housekeeper, headed for the convention with greater hope than anxiety. He had nothing to lose except the votes of Kansas and his daughter. He had everything to gain in case of a compromise, for while he was not the fastest of the "dark horses," he was at least "dark" (see below). In Kansas City he was sure to see more friends than frustrators. On the farm issue he had voted for the farmers, then obeyed his President. Friendship and obedience make good bedfellows for ambition. And after the Presidency, after all, there is the Vice-Presidency.

Candidates Watson and Goff, favorite sons of Indiana and West Virginia, respectively, and neither of them with a Chinaman's chance for anything but private plaudits and party patronage, were both expected to attend, the small-eyed, affable Watson certainly, the less prominent Goff not so certainly.

Charles Evans Hughes, non-candidate but often-mentioned, had not up to last week sailed for Europe when he had said he was going. A curt secretary announced that Mr. Hughes would sail "about June 19." She exhibited annoyance.

William Edgar Borah, candidate, but very seldom mentioned, was to attend, accompanied by tiny Mrs. Borah, who answers her Senator's-wife mail in impetuous longhand and keeps birds flying about in her Washington apartment.

And Charles Gates Dawes, noncandidate, what of him? He is the "dark horse" who looms so big and light that the whole country saw him coming a year ago. He is (to use the cadence if not the context of a nominating speech) a man whom the Administration dislikes, distrusts and fears not a little; a man who, by failing to submerge politely in the Vice-Presidency, made things hard for the President and helped cause the present fissure in his Party. There are four aspects of Charles Gates Dawes: 1) The striking individual who smokes a freak pipe, wears cut throat collars and memorable neckties, talks rapidly in a high, thin voice, composes music and plays it on piano or flute.

2) The brainy virtuoso, impatient of masters, who studied to be a civil engineer, switched to and succeeded in the law, switched to and succeeded in public utilities, switched to and dazzled the oldsters in politics (he managed McKinley's Illinois campaign for Mark Hanna), switched to banking and excelled at that (U. S. Comptroller of Currency, 1897-1902; founder and head of the Central Union Trust Co.; urged by Andrew Mellon in 1920 for Secretary of the Treasury). He did the War purchasing for his boyhood friend, General Pershing; then straightened out the Federal Budget system; then devised the plan for Germany's reparations and shared (with Sir Austen Chamberlain) a Nobel Peace Prize.

_ 3) The subtle opportunist, who exercised his commercial virtuosity to get rich; who "is the only man since Roosevelt to understand the use of calculated indiscretion" in compassing political ends (cf. his purposeful reading of books on crowd psychology, his studied profanity); who last year tandem-hitched the McNary-Haugen farm-relief bill and the McFadden branch-banking and drove them through the Senate with consummate smartness.

4) The man of loyalty, who risked and suffered censure by breaking the Illinois banking law for his crooked-but-charming friend, William Lorimer; who renounced his own ambition for the Presidency, this year, in deference to his friend. Candidate Lowden; and who, even if Candidate Lowden is altogether out of it now, continues unreceptive for motives that may well contain as much party loyalty as shrewd personal circumspection. Should the Dawes attitude become receptive now, the rift in Republicanism would gape indeed, for subtlety breeds suspicion. Vice President Dawes has exhibited such subtlety in the past that his inheritance of the Lowden support, after all that has been said and denied this year, would be viewed as downright discreditable in both men.

Non-Candidate Dawes said last winter he would work for the Lowden nomination to the end. He will not do it at Kansas City. When the Convention begins he will be attending the graduation exercises at Marietta College in his native Marietta, Ohio. That is where he went just before he was nominated in 1924. Mr. Lowden had refused that nomination. Mr. Dawes instantly accepted it. It is improbable that that bit of history will even paraphrase itself this year. Yet it is also historic that the Vice President's relative, William Dawes, rode on the same errand as Paul Revere. He took a different course. He came to fame much later. But measurements show that Dawes outrode Revere by two miles.

*Larger parks are:

Philadelphia's Fairmount 3,418 acres

New York's Pelham Bay 1,756 acres

St. Louis's Forest 1,372 acres

Other famed U. S. city-parks are:

New York's Central 840 acres

Chicago's Lincoln 753 acres

Brooklyn's Prospect 516 acres

/-Col. Swope died in 1909 of potassium cyanide poisoning. A Dr. Bennett Clark Hyde, who had married Col. Swope's niece, was convicted of the crime. Dr. Hyde was further accused of trying to do away with other members of his wife's family by infecting them with typhoid germs. Dr. Hyde's case was appealed and the Missouri Supreme Court cleared him. The prosecution was assisted by U. S. Senator James A. Reed. The defense was led by Frank P. Walsh, whose son and namesake last winter took the Hickman murder trial (and lost it) in Los Angeles.

Dr. Hyde is now an eye, ear, nose and throat specialist in Lexington, Mo.

*"Serving soup delays the rest of the meal from five to eight minutes," reported efficient President C. M. Hayman of the Kansas City Restaurant Association.

/-To handle their delegates at Houston, the Democrats have engaged George L. ("Tex") Rickard, prizefight promoter, proprietor of Madison Square Garden, Manhattan.

**But the seating arrangement is tactical, not alphabetical. This year, Maine's delegation is front-and-centre. Front right (facing the rostrum) is California; front left, Pennsylvania. Behind California will sit a string of western delegations. Behind Maine are the other New England States, then New York. Behind Pennsylvania come Ohio and other Midwesterners. Southerners are relegated to the rear.