President-Reject

"To play golf where I won't have to wear a sweater," was the reason announced by President-Reject Smith for his southern vacation, which began last week. He emphasized the fact that the South contained for him something besides Democratic politics, by declining to visit even Franklin Delano Roosevelt, his gubernatorial heir, who was resting, reviewing, retrenching at Warm Springs, Ga. The Smith Special proceeded, not without cheers, to Biloxi, Miss. There the Messrs. Smith, Raskob, Kenny, Riordan, et al., left off their sweaters and played, without further public palaver, golf.

Before leaving Manhattan, the President-Reject had taken leave of the electorate one more last time. People had wondered what he would say--whether he would appeal for funds to pay for the effort he had led;* whether he would have a last fling at "influences" which may have beaten him; whether it would be a personal swan-song or a parting battle-tucket to the Democracy.

It was all these things, President-Reject Smith's "message to the American people"; all except an appeal for money to pay for the dead donkey. Surrounded by 200 friends in a Fifth Avenue radio-studio, Governor Smith sounded a party tucket to a donkey by no means deceased. He said:

"... So well defined are the doctrines and the principles upon which it [the Democracy] is founded, that it has survived defeat after defeat!" The 14,500,000 popular votes for Smith were cited; also the change of less than 500,000 which, "spread around the country, would have altered the result." False note though this latter seemed--since only 137,501-- more popular votes "spread around the country" would have given Hoover all the electoral votes--it did not spoil the main theme: "The Democratic party is a live, a vigorous and a forceful major minority party."

There was also a last fling at "influences" as follows: "Party responsibility is not confined to its handling of governmental affairs. A political party must also be accountable to the people of the United States for the management of its internal affairs, and no political party can afford to accept the support of forces for which it refuses to accept responsibility."

The final personal swan-song was: "I am just as anxious to see them [Democratic principles] succeed as I was when the party honored me with the nomination, and with all the vigor that I can command

I will not only stand for them but I will battle for them. . . .

"I pledge my unceasing interest and concern with public affairs and the well-being of the American people."

The Kernel of the speech was yet another thought. The President-Reject said: "While it is true that every party must adhere to its fundamental principles, obstruction and blockade for the sole purpose of embarrassing the party in power are not calculated to promote the best interests of the country. It would be regarded as a constructive achievement if the Democratic party at Washington were to formulate a program, adopt it, offer it to the Congress of the United States and there defend it. A refusal on the part of the party in power to accept it or their inability to bring about party unity for the solution of these problems would then fix the responsibility and make a record upon which a successful campaign can be waged four years from now.

"In other words, the Democratic party would not be acting in good faith with the people of the country nor in good faith with the millions of those who rallied to its support if it were to sit by and adopt a policy of inaction with the hope of profiting solely by the mistakes or failures of the opposition."

At face value, this suggestion was but a blunt, practical expression of an ideal often mouthed but seldom practised by Congressmen after a general election. But coming from whom it did, it led to reconsideration of two little-discussed features of the Democratic outlook. One feature, forgotten in the turmoil of the Smith defeat, was Vice President-Reject Robinson's continued presence in the Senate. With President-Reject Smith retiring to private life and Governor-Elect Roosevelt taking his place in New York, the party's official Number Two Man had been all but forgotten by commentators on the party's potential leadership for the period 1928-1932. The President-Reject unmistakably pointed out the Vice President-Reject as a man to rally around at once.

The second thought, though not hinted at in the Smith speech, suggested itself as follows: Smith thinks the Congress is the medium through which the Democracy should start working up to 1932. The Democrats are now a weak minority in the Congress. Smith is "just as anxious" as before his nomination to see the Democrats come to glory. Smith has resolved never again to seek public office. But, if his anxiety for his party is as great as he says, might he not some day be persuaded to let public office seek him? Might he not, perhaps, be persuaded to enter Congress? This could easily be effected through a resignation from one friend (Senator Wagner) and an appointment from another (Governor Roosevelt). If by some pressure or prospect this should ever come to pass, a Senator "Al" Smith of New York would without doubt furnish scenes and situations--and perhaps some legislation--remarkable in his own day, memorable for political prosperity. P: S. Rurok, Manhattan impresario, offered the President-Reject $50,000 for ten debates on Prohibition against famed prohibiters, beginning (perhaps) with Senator Borah at Madison Square Garden.

*The National Democratic balance sheet last week showed $5,300,000 expended, $3,736,000 received.