For-Senators-Only

The Senate last week unexpectedly accepted President Hoover's proposal for it to sit through burning summer days in special session to consider the London Naval Treaty (TIME, May 26). Reasons: 1) Senators opposed to the treaty protested against the Administration's attempt to "railroad" the pact through to ratification at this session without "careful study." 2) House members, anxious to be off campaigning for reelection, have no say about the treaty but would have to sit and twiddle their legislative thumbs unless the present session of Congress is adjourned and a special for-Senators-only session called.

After an inconclusive caucus of Republican Senators, Senate Leader Watson telephoned President Hoover that Congressional sentiment was against treaty action at this time, asked him if he would really call a special Senate session for that purpose. President Hoover assured him that he would. Whereupon Senator Watson solemnly announced: "A special session now seems necessary and has been decided on." Senator Watson "hoped" Congress would "clean up" its pending legislative program--tariff, rivers & harbors development, veterans' aid, motor bus regulation--by the end of June and adjourn.

Johnson's Army. Senator Hiram Johnson, aware of the Japanese bugaboo in his great State of California, last week definitely placed himself at the head of the tiny Senate army opposed to the treaty. He commanded about a dozen votes. To beat the pact, he needs 33 (one more than one-third of the 96 Senators). To gain time to muster new recruits, "Captain" Johnson demanded, apparently without hope, that the pact go over until the December session of Congress. President Hoover and Senators actively supporting the treaty were less concerned at the numerical size of the Johnson army than they were at the Senate's general apathy. Up to last week the President and Statesman Stimson had simply failed to get the Senate excited about the benefits of the treaty. Today the Hoover forces easily command a winning majority. Delay of six months might well produce deserters in an atmosphere of indifference.

Return of Moses. Senator Johnson's forces-for-delay last week received support from two new quarters. Senator George Higgins Moses of New Hampshire, potent president pro tempore of the Senate returned from a European jaunt to declare: "What I don't understand is all the rush in putting the treaty through the Senate. I haven't heard of any power that is going to build a great navy between now and December. The Senate is pretty jaded to tackle so important a subject now."

Watchdog. William Howard ("Admiral") Gardiner, president of the Navy League of America and volunteer watchdog of the U. S. fleet (TIME, May 12), took to the air with a radio appeal for the postponement until December. He spoke of "rising tides of doubt," insisted the country should have more time in which to digest the pact. Though he professed to be neutral on the treaty itself, Mr. Gardiner's position squared exactly with that of Senator Johnson. There was little doubt that at heart the Navy League would be pleased to see the whole London agreement go by the board.

Voluble Admirals. Meanwhile admirals called as witnesses before the Foreign Relations Committee continued to discharge broadsides of professional disapproval against the treaty. In 15 days 23 high naval officers appeared to testify at the call of Senator Johnson and 21 of them could find nothing but fault. In chorus they complained that under the treaty the U. S. would: 1) have to build a cruiser fleet on specifications dictated by Britain; 2) have less than a sporting chance with 6-in. gun cruisers instead of 8-in; 3) be at a serious disadvantage against Japan in defending far Pacific possessions. Such words as "wicked," "detrimental," "unjust," "restrictive," "a mistake," "inferiority" poured forth volubly from naval witnesses against the treaty.

So much sword-rattling testimony disturbed treaty Senators. The free-&-easy way in which admirals publicly criticized U. S. diplomacy and discussed a possible war with Japan, prompted the New York World to flare up as follows: "It is high time somebody in authority told those admirals where they get off. . . . The spectacle . . . is shocking beyond words." The New York Herald Tribune flayed its rival's "petulant and unpatriotic attacks" upon the Navy and "Captain" Johnson rushed to the admiral's defense.

Unchanged Issue. Though the Navy piled technical evidence against the treaty mountain-high before the Foreign Relations Committee, it had not visibly altered the basic Senate sentiment for the pact. The issue remained unchanged: 21 cruisers with 8-in. guns as demanded by the Navy's General Board v. 18 such cruisers allowed by the treaty.

Background Study. After taking the technical testimony, the Foreign Relations Committee concluded its public hearings and made ready to study larger, more intangible diplomatic factors involved, beginning with the confidential exchanges between President Hoover and Premier MacDonald which last year laid the ground work for the London parley. Secretary of State Stimson, when the committee requisitioned this secret correspondence, was alarmed lest its contents leak out to the public through the garrulity of some anti-treaty Senator.

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