Coalition Caucus

There are more ways of choking a dog than by feeding him hot butter. There are more ways of getting some of the benefits of an extra session of Congress, President Hoover has found, than by calling an extra session. Last summer, when he felt that a one-year moratorium and suspension of interest payments on War debts must be announced, the President invented the "Congressional conference." He telephoned and telegraphed every member, talked with a few important ones. Within 24 hours he had sufficient support to announce his plan (TIME, June 29). The business world was saved the worry of a special session; the Government was spared expense. Last week, in effect. President Hoover called another special session.

On Tuesday at noon he announced: "The purpose of my conference with the members of Congress tonight is to advance a national unity in the setting up of constructive forces now working in the Depression." Day before. President Hoover had telegraphed 32 Democratic and Republican Senators and Representatives--all the important men of either house, including members of the Banking & Currency Committees--to meet him at the White House at 9 o'clock Tuesday evening. The President urged-secrecy, offered to put a plane at anyone's disposal.

But the only man to ride in one to Washington was grizzled old Representative John Nance ("Jack") Garner, Democratic floor leader who will be Mr. Speaker if the House falls into the hands of his party. Grumbling a little, he climbed over the olive-colored side of an Army ship at Uvalde, Tex. When the white-haired Texan climbed out stiffly at Boiling Field he remarked: "It didn't bother me even if it was the first time I was in one of the dang things. As soon as I got used to the noise it sang me to sleep." Fumbling in his pockets he found that his devout wife had armed him with a Bible text: "The spirit of the Lord watches over you and keeps you in perfect safety." Then he went over to the dismantled office of his old friend and political enemy, the late Speaker Nicholas Longworth of Ohio. He took one look at the room where he may sit after Dec. 7. remarked that it did not look the same "with Nick gone," put on his dinner coat and a taffy-colored fedora hat, went to the White House. At this point neither he nor anyone save the President, his Cabinet and sub-Cabinet knew what was in the wind.

A crowd of newshawks and photographers jammed the White House portico. . Secretary Mellon rolled up in his all-aluminum limousine, obligingly doffed a neat bowler to cameramen. Tousled Senator Borah barged through without giving anyone a chance to take his picture. Senator Watson of Indiana, always hearty with newsmen, arrived 20 min. early "to persuade the President to change his mind and give out an official statement at the conclusion of this conference." Undersecretary of the Treasury Ogden Livingston Mills came early to do the same.

Everyone was shown into the intimate Lincoln Study, second floor back, whence Father Abraham, in his crisis, watched the enemy flag fluttering across the Potomac at Arlington Heights. Flanked by the Three M's--Governor Eugene Meyer Jr. of the Federal Reserve Board, who was director of War Finance Corp. and to whom hurried calls to the White House were not new, and Secretary Mellon and Undersecretary Mills--President Hoover sat at a small desk. In front of him were 36 comfortable chairs. In the chairs were seated his "little Congress," actually a coalition caucus, since those members of the Opposition were present who could carry out a joint program in Congress if they wanted to. The President arose and read to them his Super Plan for restoring U. S. business confidence (see p. 13).

President Hoover soon found that he had not only brought the leaders of Congress into the Lincoln Study but considerable Congressional atmosphere. First to hop to his feet with an objection during the recitation of the domestic fiscal program was small Senator Carter Glass of Virginia, Wilson's Secretary of the Treasury and a framer of the Federal Reserve Act. In the matter of broadening the basis of discountable paper through the Federal Reserve to thaw frozen assets which are causing distress, particularly in Western banks, Senator Glass reminded one & all that such a plan was now under consideration by the Senate Committee on Banking & Currency, warned against public expectation of too great a broadening, assured his listeners that he would vigorously protect the Federal Reserve in Congress. Messrs. Mellon and Mills tried to soothe his apprehension.

Later on, some members of the conference thought they heard the President committing the gathering to an extension of the moratorium and cancellation of War debts (see p. 9). "The way that reads," interjected Jack Garner, "seems to me to mean cancellation of debts and I'm opposed to it."

Chairman Borah of the Senate's Foreign Relations Committee thought likewise. So the part of the message which spoke of what the President would discuss with Premier Pierre Laval of France when he comes to Washington next week was changed materially.

The meeting adjourned near midnight. At 12:40 a. m. the triumphant President put his Super Plan, with assurance of Congressional backing, in the hands of the Press, as Senator Watson and Undersecretary Mills had urged. Chuckled Jack Garner: "The Democrats are helping the President write his message to Congress."

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