Clean-up & Away

One, two and sometimes three ceremonies a day took place last week in the White House office. While proud Congressional parents stood at his elbow, the President baptized bill after bill with "Franklin D. Roosevelt." Not one important bill left by Congress did he veto. Proudest signing of the week was that of the Guffey Coal Bill attended by a host of Congressional godfathers, watched over by John L. Lewis and other officers of the United Mine Workers and followed at once by 1) steps to call off the coal strike scheduled for Sept. 24 and 2) a suit filed by Carter Coal Co. of Washington, D. C. challenging the constitutionality of the new law.

Least satisfactory signing of the week was the neutrality resolution compelling the President to declare arms embargoes against both sides in any war which may break out before Feb. 29, 1936. Sign it he did because "the objective is wholly good," but not without announcing that he wanted it changed: "It is the policy of this Government to avoid being drawn into wars between other nations, but it is a fact that no Congress and no Executive can foresee all possible future situations. ...In other words the inflexible provisions might drag us into war instead of keeping us out. . ."

These tempered words would not have greatly interested Washington had not the story leaked out of what had taken place in the President's office ten days earlier. Nine Representatives had marched in and resolutely told him that the discretion he desired, to declare an arms embargo against either of two warring nations was, in effect, the power to drag the U. S. into war, a power no prudent President would want and no rash President should have. Angered by such unaccustomed opposition, Franklin Roosevelt snapped that he could if he would put the U.S. into war in ten days. Thumping his desk, he thundered that he would not let Congress usurp his constitutional prerogatives.

P:One bill the President did not sign was the Third Deficiency Appropriation, carrying $93.000,000, which Senator Long's filibuster had killed the last day of the Session. Like many a housewife who keeps her grocery money in one purse, her clothes money in another, her amusement money in a third, the U. S. keeps its appropriations in separate purses. Like such a housewife, when one purse is empty the Administration schemes to see how it can legally borrow from the other purses. But nowhere could President Roosevelt find a purse from which to borrow $76,000.000 with which to start his Social Security program. Even this was not so sad as New Dealers liked to make it out, for the Social Security Board will need time to start functioning. In any event, much of the money could not be distributed before next January, when Congress will once more be in session and able to supply it. After all, Franklin Roosevelt had got 99-c- out of every $1 he asked Congress for, hence had small need to worry.

P:Five years ago Victor Seymour, shrewd Nebraska politician, thought he would beat Senator George W. Norris by nominating an unknown George W. Norris to run against him (TIME, Nov. 3, 1930). Now Victor Seymour is serving a six-month sentence for perjury in connection with his trick. The President last week studied an appeal for clemency from Trickster Seymour and, with it, a letter from Senator Norris: 'I have no personal feeling of ill-will. . . . But I am objecting to clemency in this case because it was an attempt at the disenfranchisement of the electors of a great commonwealth." Franklin Roosevelt decided to let Victor Seymour stay in jail.

P:Last but not least in the President's clean-up job were his personal obligations: goodbys to Senators Borah, Johnson, Norris, Glass; lunch for Raymond Moley; consolations for Secretary Ickes whose wife was killed in an automobile accident (see p. 22). Then with Rexford Tugwell at his side, he departed for Hyde Park where in the bosom of his family he settled down to the pleasant job of enjoying himself, with occasional hours devoted to vetoing private bills.

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