Newshawks to the Rescue

One evening last week in the Coliseum at Lincoln, Neb., 10,000 applauding citizens looked up into the chubby face of the country's only living ex-President, who in turn beamed down upon them. Herbert Hoover was about to assault the New Deal on its once strongest political front. With his tongue in his apple cheek he called attention to the dreadful price-slumps which had not followed the demise of AAA: "President Roosevelt on May 30, 1935, prophesied that 'if we abandon crop control, wheat will immediately drop to 36-c- a bushel and cotton to 5-c- a pound.' He felt the same about hogs. I do not know how long a time there is in 'immediately.' It is more than a week."

It was more than a week, too, since the New Deal had begun to grope for an AAA substitute and Mr. Hoover thought the time was opportune to steal a march on the New Deal by getting in a bit of constructive criticism. Said he: "Instead of trying to find a balance to Agriculture by paying the farmer to curtail a crop, we should endeavor to expand another crop which can be marketed or which would improve the fertility of the soil. We import vast quantities of vegetable oils, sugar and other commodities. . . . We need to replenish our soils with legumes and restore coverages. ... I believe we must be prepared to subsidize directly such special crops until agriculture has again been brought into balance. At the end of such a road we could hope for a balanced agriculture in full production and increased fertility in our soils. I am advised that it can be done within the spirit as well as the letter of the Constitution."

Little did Herbert Hoover imagine that within 24 hours Franklin Roosevelt would be enthusiastically repeating almost his very words.

Fortnight ago the Administration got together in Washington a meeting of farm leaders to approve the New Deal's new plan for agriculture: crop control through soil conservation (TIME, Jan. 20). While AAA's lawyers were busy trying to draft a workable law, trouble was brewing at the Capitol. Farm leaders who rubber-stamped the New Deal's idea were already calling on Congressmen to advocate other proposals. One group wanted to take 30% of customs receipts to subsidize exports. Another group advocated guaranteeing farmers their cost of production. A third group demanded enactment of the domestic allotment plan; a fourth, export debentures, higher agricultural tariffs, repeal of the reciprocal trade treaty law; a fifth, dollar tinkering. Restive Congressmen declared that they were unwilling to vote for an AAA substitute that would be of doubtful constitutionality. Senator Norris mournfully declared that any law attempting to regulate agriculture would now be unconstitutional. The chairmen of the House and Senate agriculture committees indicated their intention of drafting their own bills regardless of the Administration.

Day before Herbert Hoover spoke at Lincoln two newshawks strolled in to see Chester Davis, Administrator of the late AAA. One was James Russell Wiggins, correspondent of the St. Paul Pioneer Press, the other Felix Belair Jr. of the New York Times. Mr. Davis poured his woes into their ears.

"Why," asked Newshawk Wiggins, "don't you use the Soil Conservation Act passed last year? It's as broad as Barnum & Bailey's tent." Quite impossible, retorted Mr. Davis; it was only one of those temporary things, something to do with WTA. When Newshawk Wiggins contradicted him, Mr. Davis pressed a button, called for the Act.

A secretary dug it up, laid it before Mr. Davis. Most New Deal laws are substantial documents, but the Soil Conservation Act had no such pretensions. One sheet of paper was large enough to hold it all. Written to launch no great program, it was a two-page expression of Congressional good intentions, authorizing the Secretary of Agriculture in effect to do whatever he could in his spare time to prevent soil erosion and improve U. S. soils.

Mr. Davis read it in a moment. "My God!" he cried. "There's the farm program for 1936!"

Like many an expression of good intentions, the Act was far more sweeping than most programs laid out for concrete action. Among other things, it authorized: 1) surveys; 2) conservation measures "including, but not limited to" engineering operations, methods of cultivation, the growing of vegetation and changes in use of land; 3) co-operation or agreements with "any agency ... or any person"; 4) acquisition of lands "or rights or interests therein"; 5) operation on U. S.-owned land or "on any other lands"; 6) U. S. contributions to those who conserve the soil, in the form of "money, services, materials or otherwise"; 7) the hiring of em-ployes; 8) the expenditure of money for anything from "the purchase of law books" to "maintenance of passenger-carrying vehicles"; 9) and, most important, the transfer to the work authorized of "such functions, funds, personnel, and property of other agencies in the Department of Agriculture," as the Secretary may determine.

Mr. Davis' fingers began to play all over the buttons on his desk. It was a general alarm: secretaries, clerks, assistants, assistants to assistants came rushing. "Get my planning board together," shouted Mr. Davis,

"Get me Wallace! Get me Wilson! Get me Stedman! Get me--"

Before Newshawks Wiggins and Belair left the office, conferences of legal experts, of economic experts were gathering excitedly. Next morning the Times and the Pioneer Press had exclusive stories. That afternoon as Herbert Hoover was on his way to Lincoln, Franklin Roosevelt was telling his Congressional leaders that they could short circuit the squabble that impended over a substitute for AAA. There would not have to be a new law, just a few minor amendments to the Soil Conservation Act. Next day to his press conference the President explained everything.

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