Penultimate Progress

Alf M. Landon spoke not a word last week in praise of Chinese, Czechoslovakians or Anti-Profanity Leaguers, but the Republican Nominee warmed the hearts of many another racial, national and special-interest group as follows:

Wets: He received a group of Missouri Wets whose spokesman afterward declared : "We are thoroughly satisfied. . . . He believes that prohibition is a dead issue, as we all do."

Negroes: He received a group of Memphis Negroes whose spokesman quoted him as being stanchly opposed to lynching. To New York City Negroes he wired: "The progress of the Negro not only in the trades but in the arts, the sciences and the professions is a truly remarkable record. ..."

Legionaries: He participated in a home-coming celebration for Topeka's Harry W. Colmery, new National Commander of the American Legion (TIME, Oct. 5), congratulated him on his leadership of "this great patriotic organization."

Italians: To the St. Louis Il Pensiero he wrote congratulations on completion of an Italian-American community hall. Excerpt: "Our citizens of Italian extraction have rendered valuable contributions through the years in making America the nation it is today."

Poles: He proclaimed Pulaski Memorial Day in Kansas, praised the Revolutionary General as one who "believed in freedom and open opportunity and found the American cause expressive of his own yearnings."

Scandinavians: In Rockford, Ill., he noted the Swedish population's celebration of Leif Ericson Day, cried: "The descendants of the Scandinavian people have not lost in a thousand years the spirit and fortitude which Leif Ericson so well demonstrated."

Topeka gave Alf Landon a send-off for the first time when he set out last week on his fourth & penultimate campaign tour. Arriving at the railroad station one rainy evening, he found the local branch of the Landon Business Women's League lustily singing We're from Sunny Kansas.

It was still raining when the Sunflower Special pulled into Chicago next morning. Not to be outdone by the Democratic Nominee, who has lately demonstrated notable indifference to rain, the Republican Nominee hopped into an open car for his drive up Michigan Avenue, got himself thoroughly soaked for the benefit of scattered groups of admirers bunched along the way.

In the Chicago Stadium that night, Nominee Landon found the best-organized, most enthusiastic crowd of his campaign. Twenty-five thousand Republicans bobbed to their feet, 25,000 voices roared, 25,000 U. S. flags were waved as he stepped out on the platform. Inspired, the Nominee responded with the best speaking of his career. Hardly a trace of the schoolboyish drone with which he began his campaign appeared as the Nominee masterfully set his audience laughing and booing at Franklin Roosevelt's 1932 demands for economy, went on to attack his opponent with forceful conviction: "As for his assurances that the budget would be balanced--well, these political hush-darlings have become annual fixtures.

. . . The last [was] at Pittsburgh two weeks ago. ... As usual, the President expressed the hope that some time, some how, revenues will overtake expenditures.

The way expenditures are running today, Jesse Owens himself could not overtake them. . . .

"What can ultimately be accomplished in the way of reduction is impossible to determine, since detailed figures are not available, and future commitments are unrevealed.

"But I do mean to balance the budget.

And I am not going to take four years to do it. ...

"For every dollar the Federal Government has received since March 1933, it has spent two dollars. This is an appalling situation. . . . We must put the spenders out. For remember, those who preach spending, practice spending and brag about spending cannot stop spending. This is the lesson of history. That is the record of this Administration. They are proud of their spending. They talk of it as though preserving the financial integrity of the United States were only a game. ... If the Administration wants a baseball analogy, if they want the score--it is easy to give. It is written clear across the country: twenty-five billion dollars spent.

Thirteen billion dollars added to the public debt. Eleven million unemployed left on base." Noticeably elated by the success of his Chicago oratory, Nominee Landon appeared in Cincinnati next morning to furnish more proof of his growing self-confidence. At the station to meet him was his favorite Cincinnatian and prized adviser, bright young Charles P. Taft II, leader in the city's Charter reform movement (TIME, Aug. 3). After shaking hands with other welcomers, Alf Landon turned to Charlie Taft, checked with him to be sure of the name "Charter," started toward a radio microphone set up for the occasion. Guessing the Nominee's intention, and well aware that the Charterites, now allied with local Democrats, were anathema to the Republican machine which they had ousted, Adviser Taft hurried after his principal to caution: "Go easy on that, Governor. You know." "Yes, I know, I know," returned the Nominee. Moment later he was at the microphone. "I want to congratulate you," he cried to Cincinnatians, "on your Charter form of government. . . . You have gotten away from the city machines which are one of the very great dangers to city government in this country." Few minutes later Nominee Landon arrived at the Hotel Gibson where 1,200 Republican regulars were gathered to breakfast in his honor. Up to Charlie Taft sped his law partner, Representative John B. Hollister, to whisper that the breakfasters were "furious," that Alf Landon would have to say something to square himself with them. Said the Nominee in his ensuing speech: "I pay tribute to your non-partisan city form of government, its freedom from machine politics and its use of the merit system. But I want to say to you that I have more respect for the machine politician than I do for the lily-handed citizen who boasts that he takes no interest in politics."

En route to Columbus Nominee Landon stopped for a rear-platform talk at Cincinnati's Winton Place station, asked the crowd if this were not "the most cockeyed campaign you ever saw?" Pointing to the number of times his opponents had used the phrase "red herring," he declared that the "great granddaddy of all red herrings in the present campaign" was the charge "that I have dodged issues." Thereupon Nominee Landon disposed of that charge by declaring that Prohibition should be settled by the states.

At Columbus the Nominee attended an Ohio State-Pitt football game, munched popcorn, hot dogs and pumpkin pie, was quoted as remarking: "There is nothing I enjoy more in football than light, fast backs."

At a Republican dinner that night he further endeared himself to sportsmen by plumping strongly for wildlife conservation, promising to clean up the "mess and muddle" the New Deal had made of it.

At Cleveland two nights later, in huge Public Hall, where he was nominated last June. Nominee Landon renewed his charges of waste, extravagance, secrecy and political corruption in the administration of relief (see p. 19). Best crack: "On Jan. 3, 1934, the President told Congress: 'If we maintain the course I have outlined, we can confidently look forward to greater employment and a diminution of relief expenses.' We did maintain the course he outlined, but did we get any reduction of relief expenses? We did not. At present the Administration is spending in the name of relief at an annual rate of a billion and a half more than in 1934. And yet, less than two weeks ago in Pittsburgh the President told us that we have had a more rapid recovery than even he had anticipated. And the band played, Happy Days Are Here Again."

To banish waste, extravagance, secrecy and corruption. Nominee Landon offered the following Relief program:

1) "Find out the facts."

2) Return relief administration to the states.

3) Finance relief by Federal grants plus "fair" state and local contributions.

4) Select relief administrators "on a basis of merit and fitness."

5) Help and encourage relief workers to get private jobs by setting up "an efficient employment service," providing "the best technical and educational services," permitting workers to get back on relief at once if their private jobs prove temporary.

6) Separate public works from relief. "I am opposed to the use of relief labor, at relief wages, for the construction of Federal public works."

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