"Up Dev!"

Not since more than a year ago when crowds of milling Englishmen chanted "We want King Edward!" had stodgy Downing Street seen such a demonstration. Thousands of London's Irishmen and Irishwomen packed the pavement before the black door of No. 10. The rousing strains of southern Ireland's republican anthem, A Soldier's Song, swelled from the lusty throats. Staid civil servants in black jackets and striped trousers poked their heads out Whitehall's windows. Suddenly the singing ceased. "Up Dev!'' roared the crowds. "A republic--no less!" A tall, gaunt, smiling man appeared for a moment on the doorstep. Then a surge of enthusiastic Irishmen swept away a line of police and pranced beside the car of departing Eamon de Yalera, Prime Minister of the new state of Eire (TIME, Jan. 24. et ante), who had just concluded a three-day peace parley with Britain.

No such outbursts had taken place inside No. 10. The meeting got off on the right foot when de Valera found on the British side of the long Cabinet table his trusted friend, "straight shooting'' Dominions Secretary Malcolm MacDonald, son of the late James Ramsay MacDonald, and Sir John Simon, Chancellor of the Exchequer. Regarded by Englishmen as a cold-as-a-fish lawyer, Sir John is known to Irishmen as the husband of an ardent Irishwoman and the man who defended Ireland in the terroristic days of the Black & Tan. Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain was pleased to find that de Valera no longer went off in rambling monologues or rattled the ghost of Cromwell as he did at previous Anglo-Irish meetings.

Partition. Both sides were forewarned that the question of a united Ireland would prove the stumbling block of the session. "The British Government," purred Prime Minister Chamberlain, in opening the parley, "would be happy to see Ireland reunited, but only with the consent of Ulster and only as the result of a direct agreement between the two governments now existing in Ireland.'' "Thirty-two counties* or nothing," was de Valera's firm retort. But there was a diplomatic gleam in his eye as he added that unity of Ireland is "the essential foundation for the establishment of real understanding and friendship between the two peoples of Britain and Eire." He proposed an all-Ireland parliament, full representation therein for Ulster, and guarantees protecting Protestant minorities. It was a shrewd proposal, for Prime Minister Viscount Craigavon's treatment of the Ulster Catholics has a none too pleasant odor for English nostrils. Having scored in this fashion, Statesman de Valera agreed with Mr. Chamberlain to let the subject drop.

Tariff War. Six years ago the Irish Free State flatly refused to pay $25,000,000 yearly for land annuities owed British absentee landlords. In retaliation, Britain slapped a penalty tariff on Irish products, the Free State retaliated in kind and a first-rate tariff war was on. Last week Mr. de Valera, according to reports which leaked out from the meeting, turned up with an almost inspired proposal. As salve to his own people, he suggested that British naval bases on Irish soil be turned over to Eire, that England be allowed to use them and other bases to be built. As salve to England, he offered to pay as Eire's share of the upkeep of these defense works $25,000,000 a year--the amount of the disputed land annuities. Thus, at one stroke two causes of dissension were removed and the two Prime Ministers quietly agreed, turning over to trade experts the detailed task of tearing down the tariff walls as far as possible. Since this task will take time, the meeting adjourned for six weeks.

Back to Dublin went Statesman "Dev," confident that he had come out on the long end. Although no definite agreements were reached, he had a sop for everyone. To his chief opposition, the Fine Gael of William Cosgrave, he could point out the embryonic trade pacts. To the fiercely nationalistic Sinn Feiners he could recall his "32 counties or nothing." To the British he could offer his readiness to shelve partition for a practical settlement.

De Valera's success made things easy for Ulster's Prime Minister Lord Craigavon. who had just dissolved Ulster's Parliament and called a general election for February 9. announcing, "I feel it necessary to put the position of Ulster beyond doubt." Since Ulster elections are fought on religious rather than political lines and Ulster is two-thirds Protestant, one-third Catholic, the result of an election when Mr. de Valera is clamoring for a united Ireland is almost a foregone conclusion: In rebuffing de Valera's proposal, Ulster would return to office for another term Viscount Craigavon, Prime Minister for the last 17 years.

*Southern Ireland has 26 counties, Ulster six.

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