For Four Human Freedoms

The President leaned heavily on the rostrum, threw open the big black leather binder, straightway began his message to the 77th Congress on the State of the Union. Outside the Capitol, roped-off on the stretching plaza, stood hundreds of people. Many had been there since early morning. They could see and hear nothing in particular. They were just there.

". . . At no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today. . . . Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans, in 48 States, have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity. . . .

"We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of 'pacification' which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. . . .

"As your President ... I find it necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

"Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by the conquerors. . . .

"In times like these it is immature--and incidentally untrue--for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, singlehanded, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

"No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion--or even good business.

"Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. 'Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.'* . . .

"We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests. . . .

"We learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe--particularly the lesson of Norway. . . . The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and their dupes--and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. . . .

"Our national policy is this: First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

"Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. . . .

"Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. . . .

Mr. Roosevelt spoke clearly as ever, but there was no lightness in his voice, no touch of humor. As he went on, his big head thrown back, his voice gained depth and strength, and emotion.

At times the whole audience applauded.

But through most of the speech the Republican side sat silent.

"Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. ... I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. . . . None of us will be satisfied until the job is done. . . .

"I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun. I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. . . .

"Let us say to the democracies: 'We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge.' "In fulfillment of this purpose, we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law and as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to re sist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

"When the dictators are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. . . .

"Their only interest is in a new one-way international law. . . .

"We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- as serious as war itself -- demands. . . .

"As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.

Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action which we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth fighting for. . . .

"The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are: "Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

"Jobs for those who can work.

"Security for those who need it.

"The ending of special privilege for the few.

"The preservation of civil liberties for all.

"The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. . . .

"I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. . . .

"In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

"The first is freedom of speech and ex pression -- everywhere in the world.

"The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- every where in the world.

"The third is freedom from want --which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

"The fourth is freedom from fear --which, translated into world terms, means a worldwide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fash ion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world. . .

"Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is in our unity of purpose.

"To that high concept there can be no end save victory." The President handed Messrs. Garner and Rayburn each a formal presentation copy of the speech, shook their hands, walked slowly down the ramp from the rostrum. The crowd still stood outside the Capitol a little while after he had driven away.

* Benjamin Franklin, in Historical Review of Pennsylvania, 1759.

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