New Bill of Rights

Milling Congressional veterans shouted greetings to re-elected cronies, slapped backs, shook hands. Pages guided determined-looking first-termers through the teeming lobbies. Cameras whirred beneath incandescent lights. Vice President Henry Wallace snapped a gavel in the Senate. Bald Clerk South Trimble cracked another in the House. The 78th Congress was ready for business.

The press had warned the people of something they already knew--this, more than any Congress heretofore, was a session of destiny. Historic Congresses of the past had held in their hands the fate of the Nation; the deliberations of this Congress would affect the state of the world and the shape of the future for generations. Over all legislators, short or tall, laconic or garrulous, thoughtful or frivolous, hung a crushing responsibility. They must help prosecute the war--they perhaps might help to write the peace.

But they met in carnival mood. No man there could foresee their mood when this Congress would adjourn. But now they were optimistic about the war, chip-on-shoulders about their Congressional prerogatives, determined to get at the mountainous tasks ahead.

Test of Leadership. In the House G.O.P. caucus, called by stocky, old-fashioned Minority Leader Joe Martin, House Republicans faced their first big test. They were still a minority, but with the help of a dozen conservative Democrats they could carry any vote. This was the significant fact of the session. Were Republicans ready to share positively the responsibility of control? To the first Republican conference, Martin presented a general declaration of principles. These bound the party to nothing concrete.

Same day, the House Democratic caucus produced similar results. Bald, tough Speaker Sam Rayburn spoke a piece: Hereafter Congress would exercise a more potent and compelling voice in Government. But the Speaker carefully excluded the President from any criticism.

Both party caucuses adjourned without action on three major issues that will really test Administration leadership: i) extension of reciprocal trade agreements; 2) extension of Lend-Lease; 3) broadening of Social Security coverage. Rabid Republican partisans and Democratic conservatives may be tempted to wage a political fight on all three. (There are already demands for a Lend-Lease investigation--inspired apparently more by Congressional dislike of Harry Hopkins than of Lend-Lease.) But level heads of both parties wanted no partisan disruption of the war effort.

Rayburn Reelected. Next day the House reinstalled Sam Rayburn as Speaker (the vote: 217-10-206). Joe Martin made a little speech congratulating the Speaker. Said he: "The last Congress might well be called the War Congress, but this Congress will be the Victory Congress. . . . [We are going] to see this war to a successful, decisive and early end. As leader of the opposition we pledge our earnest and untiring efforts to that end."

Speaker Rayburn's reply struck the keynote of the session:

"We must have teamwork between the executive departments and the legislative branch of the Government; this cooperation must be mutual and understood by all of us. ... I believe a greater war leader could not have been chosen than the one who is our present Commander in Chief [Democrats applauded, Republicans mostly sat silent], ... To other branches of the Government suggestions have been made that before determinations are

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so reader's discretion is required.