Churchill to the World

For the first time in World War II, the Allies this week had an outline of postwar aims. The plan is simple. It is not an American plan; all that the world yet has from Franklin Roosevelt is the glossy Atlantic Charter.

Winston Churchill presented the plan to the world last week. It was a plan for Britain at home (see p. 9) as well as abroad; but the passages of primary concern to the world were those which charted the postwar collaboration and joint leadership of Britain, the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.

Death, Dust and Ashes. Said Winston Churchill: ". . .A good many people . . . have jumped to the conclusion that the war will soon be over. ... I am not able to share those sanguine hopes. . . . Speaking under every reserve and not attempting to prophesy, I can imagine that some time next year--but it may well be the year after--we might beat Hitler. By which I mean beat him and his powers of evil into death, dust and ashes."

Then, said Churchill, Britain would move her forces against Japan. To him, China was a country to be rescued; it was a nation to share, but not to lead, the remaking of the world.

Life and Victory. "On this assumption [that Germany will be beaten first], it would be our hope that the United Nations, headed by three great victorious powers, the British Commonwealth of Nations, the United States and Soviet Russia, should [then] immediately begin to confer upon the future world organization, which is to be our safeguard against further wars. . . .

"We must hope and pray that unity of the three leading victorious powers will be worthy of their supreme responsibility and that they will think not only of their own welfare but of the welfare and future of all. . . .

"There should come into being a Council of Europe and a Council of Asia. . . . It is upon the creation of the Council of Europe . . . that the first practical task will be centered. ... I hope we shall not lightly cast aside all the immense work which was accomplished by the creation of the League of Nations. Certainly we must take as our foundation . . . [the] law and morality which was the spirit of the League.

"We must try--I am speaking, of course, only for ourselves--to make the Council of Europe, or whatever it may be called, into a really effective League with all the strongest forces concerned woven into its texture, with a High Court to adjust disputes and with forces, armed forces, national or international or both, held ready to enforce these decisions and prevent renewed aggression and preparation of future wars."

Europe and Partnership. "This Council, when created, must eventually embrace the whole of Europe and . . . the main branches of the European family must some day be partners in it. What is to happen to the large number of small nations whose rights and interests must be safeguarded? . . .

"It would seem to me at any rate worthy of patient study that side by side with the great powers there should be a number of groupings of states or confederations which would express themselves through their own chosen representatives, the whole making a Council of great states and groups of states. It is my earnest hope . . . that we shall achieve the largest common measure of the integrated life of Europe that is possible without destroying the individual characteristics and traditions of its many ancient and historic races."

Glory and the Future. "All this will, I believe, be found to harmonize with the high permanent interests of Britain, the United States and Russia. It certainly cannot be accomplished without their cordial and concerted agreement and participation. Thus and thus only will the glory of Europe rise again. . . .

"Nothing could be more foolish at this stage than to plunge into details and try to prescribe the exact groupings of states or lay down precise machinery for their cooperation, or still more to argue about frontiers now while the war even in the West has not yet reached its full height, while the struggle with U-boats is raging and when the war in the Far East is only in its first phase. This does not mean that many tentative discussions are not taking place between the great nations concerned, or that the whole vast problem of European destiny--for that is what I am speaking of now--is not a subject of ceaseless heart searchings."

Weeds and Responsibility. The "tentative discussions" were under way. In Washington, Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden conferred with U.S. statesmen, some of whom had not looked kindly on earlier proposals for a system of European federations friendly to Russia as well as to the U.S. and Britain. Some of them, indeed, were suspicious of Britain herself, and of her Continental aims. Anthony Eden had to cut through some weedy patches.

The greatest task--and one which Britain saw more clearly than the U.S.--was the achievement of full mutual confidence between the Anglo-Saxon powers and Russia. Understanding with Russia did not mean the unqualified acceptance of Russian aims in postwar Europe; the U.S.S.R. would be only one of three bargainers.

Americans had much to ponder--and a good deal to envy--in Churchill's speech. They could well imagine with what pride the British had heard and applauded it. They might well mark his words: "We must remember, however, that we in Britain and the British Commonwealth of Nations, although almost a world in ourselves, will have to reach agreements with great and friendly equals and also to respect and have care for the rights of weaker and smaller states, and that it will not be given to any one nation to achieve full satisfaction of its individual wishes." Americans could wish that such words might be spoken by an American; they could feel that America's destiny required such speech, and such a speaker.

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