The Fourth Republic

"A great emotion--the emotion of a people which has found courage, found arms, the hope of democratic freedom and the will to resist--is the overriding element in the situation. . . . France is finding herself. . . . [She] will force to the front the voices which can express that faith and the men who can fight for it. It was this emotional content in the whole situation . . . which our official policy never seemed to appreciate."

So said New York City's Herald Tribune last week. The "great emotion" soared in French hearts when General Charles de Gaulle put a name to the future: the Fourth Republic, successor to the unhappy Third (1870-1940). It might be months before the nations would accord the new Republic formal recognition (at week's end the U.S. and Britain had still not recognized formally the new French Committee of National Liberation as trustee for France), but already Frenchmen at home and abroad looked up. Said De Gaulle: "Fight with me and we will establish French sovereignty; fight with me and France will be beholden to no one."

Likewise the week began to "force to the front" men who can fight for the faith of France. Stubborn General de Gaulle made another set of demands. He wanted:

>The post of Commissioner for War in addition to his position as coPresident, to match co-President General Giraud's position as Commander in Chief of the united French Army.

> The right to reorganize the army: i.e., the right to place younger, less traditionalist officers in command posts, to dismiss all ranking officers who earned the reputation of collaborationist.

De Gaulle's opponents said he was trying to make himself master of the new Committee before the magic of his name waned. They said that even his Foreign Affairs Commissioner, Rene Massigli, and calm, friendly General Catroux were being alienated by his intransigence.

To give force to his demands, De Gaulle stayed away from meetings of the Committee, threatened to resign. This his supporters could not permit; he was still the symbol of resistance. On the other hand, De Gaulle could not actually carry out his threat; Churchill had said that henceforth Britain's dealings, financial and otherwise, would be with the new Committee, no longer with the Fighting French.

On the surface it was a battle of personalities: two generals contending for the role of first fiddler. But the same contest was settling the future shape of France.

Civilians grew restless as the deadlock persisted, as formula after formula was proposed, discussed secretly, discarded. So did 26 former Communist Deputies who were released from prison by General Giraud in March. Said their manifests:

"The French people have had enough of personal power, autocracy and tyranny. . . . They want a rejuvenated republic, better framed and more democratic, with more social equality. . . . [They] are not sacrificing their lives ... for generals and admirals who have fired on the Allies and served Petain."

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