Labor at the Polls

In Hollywood last week Democrat John M. Costello, no friend of union labor but an able legislator, went down to defeat in the California primaries. He was the third member of the Dies Committee to be eliminated in four weeks. Crowed a California C.I.O. newspaper: "The Dies Committee scoreboard today read: 3 down, 5 to go."

Suddenly politicians in both parties were alarmed. In a month Labor Boss Sidney Hillman had attained national stature as a political leader, and his budding (ten months old) C.I.O. Political Action Committee looked to politicos like a dangerously powerful political group.

The Dies Committee got set to grill C.I.O. leaders; proposals for three more investigations were dropped into the House hopper. Many besides Congressmen wondered: has U.S. labor at last united into a political force, able to reward its friends and punish its enemies?

Actually, the Political Action Committee (P.A.C.) was being given too much credit. John Costello was beaten largely by tough-minded Teamster Dave Beck's A. F. of L. machine, which makes the P.A.C. look like innocent little Baptist truants about to squander their collection money on ice cream sodas. (West Coast Teamster leaders study precinct records: any member who fails to vote loses his union membership, which means losing his job.*)

Sidney Hillman's zealots did contribute much "educational" work before Starnes fell in Alabama. But they had much to learn--their Alabama P.A.C. office opened too late to get its workers registered to vote. And in Texas, Martin Dies screamed bloody murder about a $250,000 C.I.O. campaign to "get him." Snorted Sidney Hillman: "We haven't spent 7-c- to beat Dies."

One of the factors aiding P.A.C.'s rise to power seemed to be that thousands of regions, each with its own semi-autonomous boss, who works up his local list of Congressional heads to roll. Many a Republican will have P.A.C. support, many a Democrat will be fought. (Tests: general labor record, support of international cooperation.) "

Ostensibly, the P.A.C.'s activities are "educational." This involves a realistic judgment that if union men can be persuaded to register, they will probably vote "right." But just to make sure, the "educational" literature is direct. Sample: "Most people are worried about what is going to happen to them and to their jobs after war. They remember Mr. Hoover and 1929. Tell them what they must do this year to avoid another Hoover and another 1929."

Last week P.A.C. officially went on record for Term IV, two days before Eleanor Roosevelt addressed the committee. Hillman's 325,000 Amalgamated Clothing Workers, and Phil Murray's 950,000 C.I.O. Steelworkers have already plumped for Franklin Roosevelt in the past fortnight. How many votes can P.A.C. swing? Its most enthusiastic supporters set a maximum of 13 million--including, besides 5.2 million C.I.Osters, 5 million in the A. F. of L. and 1.3 million in the Railway Brotherhoods. Nationally, the A. F. of L. is firmly opposed to P.A.C. holding to its traditional aloofness from endorsing Presidential candidates. But in many cities and states--notably Iowa, Southern California, Colorado, Washington Washington--local A. F. of L. leaders work closely with the C.I.O.

"Education, of Course." Phil Murray, speaking last week to the clothing workers, set the 1944 goal of the Political Action Committee, and gingerly phrased its methods: "If you roll up your sleeves, get Roosevelt to run, and fight in every precinct to get him elected--I mean by processes of education, of course--then there will be no doubt of the result."

* Said Postmaster General Frank Walker admir.ingly, after touring the Teamsters' 30-man "public relations division" in Los Angeles: "I haven't seen anything like this since Tammany Hall."

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