Mahatma and Viceroy

Common Sense has published a remarkable document -- five letters exchanged between Mohandas K. Gandhi (then a political prisoner in the Aga Khan's palace at Poona) and India's Viceroy, Viscount Wavell. In his foreword Newsman Louis Fischer, who made the letters public, claimed that Gandhi's recent conciliatory proposal to Wavell for Indian independence (TIME, Aug. 28) was a "sequel" to this correspondence. That might or might not be true. But as historic and human documents, the letters were unique. Each of the correspondents was an arch-type--Gandhi of the saintly man turned political crusader, Wavell of the worldly, disciplined, cultured proconsul. Each was highmindedly and absolutely convinced of the rightness of the cause he typified. The result epitomized the present phase of the problem of India and Britain--deadlock tempered, in this case, by Gandhi's and Wavell's deep humanity:

Gandhi to Wavell.

Dear Friend:

Although I have not had the pleasure of meeting you I address you on purpose as "Dear Friend." I am looked upon by representatives of the British Government as a great, if not the greatest, enemy of the British. Since I regard myself as a friend and servant of humanity including the British, in token of my good will I call you, foremost representative of the British in India, my "friend." . . .

I distinguish between the defeat of Japanese arms and Allied victory. The latter must carry with it deliverance of India from a foreign yoke. The spirit of India demands complete freedom from all foreign dominance and would therefore resist the Japanese yoke equally with the British or any other. . . . [British] promises for the future are valueless in the face of a world struggle in which the fortune of all nations and therefore of humanity is involved. Present performance is the peremptory need of the moment if the war is to end in world peace and not be the preparation for another war bloodier than the present. . . .

I have done. I thought that if I claimed to be a friend of the British as I do, nothing should deter me from sharing my deepest thoughts with you.

Wavell to Gandhi.

Dear Mr. Gandhi:

I thank you for your letter of February 17. ...

I expect you have seen in the paper reports of a speech I made to the Legislature on the same day on which you wrote that letter. This states my point of view and I need not repeat what I said then. I enclose a copy for your convenience if you wish to read it.

I take this opportunity to express to you deep sympathy from my wife and myself at the death of Mrs. Gandhi. We understand what this loss must mean to you after so many years of companionship.

Gandhi to Wavell.

Dear Friend:

... At the outset I send you and Lady Wavell my thanks for your kind condolences on the death of my wife. Though for her sake I have welcomed her death as bringing freedom from living agony, I feel the loss more than I had thought I should. We were a couple outside the ordinary. It was in 1906 that by mutual consent and after unconscious trials we definitely adopted self-restraint as the rule of life. To my great joy this knit us together as never before. ... I now come to your address which you delivered before the Legislature and of which you have kindly sent me a copy. . . .

After developing the Cripps offer you have said . . . "But I see no reason to release those responsible for the declaration of August 8, 1942 [The All India National Congress' demand that the British quit India at once], until I am convinced that the policy of noncooperation and even of obstruction has been with' drawn--not in sackcloth and ashes--that helps no one--but in recognition of a mistaken and unprofitable policy."

... I am surprised that you, an eminent soldier and man of affairs, should hold such an opinion. How can the withdrawal of a resolution arrived at jointly by hundreds of men and only after much debating and careful consideration, be a matter of individual conscience? The resolution, jointly undertaken, can be honourably, conscientiously and properly withdrawn only after joint discussion and deliberation. ... If you can but trust us, you will find us to be the greatest helpers in the fight against Naziism, Fascism and Japanism and the like. . . .

Wavell to Gandhi.

Dear Mr. Gandhi:

... I do not think it profitable that we should enter into a lengthy argument and do not propose to answer in detail the points you raise in your letter. . . .

The draft declaration of His Majesty's Government which Sir Stafford Cripps brought to India stated in unmistakable terms the intention of H.M.G. to give India self-government under a constitution of her own devising arrived at by an agreement between the principal elements.

I need hardly say that I am in entire accord with that aim and only seek the best means to implement it without delivering India to confusion and turmoil. . .

At the greatest crisis of all for India, at the time when a Japanese invasion was possible, the Congress party decided to pass a resolution calling on the British to leave India, which could not fail to have a most serious effect on our ability to defend the frontiers of India against the Japanese. . . .

I do not accuse you or the Congress party of any wish deliberately to aid the Japanese. But you are too intelligent a man, Mr. Gandhi, not to have realized that the effect of your resolution must be to hamper the prosecution of the war; and it is clear to me that you had lost confidence in our ability to defend India and were prepared to take advantage of our supposed military straits to. gain a political advantage. I do not see how those responsible for the safety of India could have acted otherwise than they did and could have failed to arrest those who sponsored the resolution. As to the general Congress responsibility for the disturbances which followed, I was, as you know, Commander in Chief at the time; my vital lines of communication to the Burma frontier were cut by Congress supporters, in the name of Congress, often using the Congress flag. I cannot, therefore, hold the Congress party guiltless of what occurred; and I cannot believe that you with all your acumen and experience could have been unaware of what was likely to follow from your policy. I do not believe that the Congress party's action in this matter represented the real feeling of India nor that the Congress attitude of noncooperation represents the opinion of anything like the majority of India. . . .

Gandhi to Wavell.

Dear Friend:

. . . You have sent me a frank reply.

I propose to reciprocate your courtesy by being perfectly frank. . . .

Your letter is a plea for cooperation by the Congress party in the present administration and, failing that, in planning for the future. In my opinion, this required equality between the parties and mutual trust. But equality is absent and Government distrust of Congress can be seen at every turn. The result is that suspicion of Government is universal. Add to this the fact that Congressmen have no faith in the competence of Government to ensure India's future good. This want of faith is based upon bitter experience of the past and present conduct of the British administration of India. Is it not high time that you cooperated with the people of India through their elected representatives instead of expecting cooperation from them? . . .

The responsibility for what followed the hasty arrests of Congressmen must rest solely on Government. For they invited the crisis, not the authors of the resolution. . . .

As I visualize India today, it is one vast prison containing 400 million souls. You are its sole custodian. Government prisons are prisons within this prison. I agree with you that whilst you hold the views expressed in your letter under reply, the proper place for one like me is a Government prison. And unless there is a change of heart, view and policy on the part of Government, I am quite content to remain your prisoner. . . .

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so reader's discretion is required.