The Prime Minister

Prime Minister Churchill's speech cleared the ground for Foreign Minister Eden's. Churchill's was a day-long speech, broken by a noon recess. The first part covered the war which Churchill said might not end until next year. The second part was devoted to foreign policy. It was less a typical Churchill speech than a series of important political statements addressed to a number of foreign powers and peoples:

To Russia and the Poles. "It would be an affectation to pretend that the attitude of the British Government, and I believe of the United States Government, toward Poland is identical with that of the Soviet Union. . . .

"Marshal Stalin has repeatedly declared himself in favor of a strong and friendly Poland, sovereign and independent, and in this our great Eastern Ally is in the fullest accord with His Majesty's Government and also, judging from public statements, with that of the United States. . . .

"Territorial changes in the frontiers of Poland there will have to be. Russia has the right to our support in this matter, because it is the Russian Armies that can alone deliver Poland from the German talons and because, as I said before, after all the Russian people have suffered at the hands of Germany, they are entitled to safe frontiers and to have friendly neighbors on their western flank.

"All the more do I trust that the Soviet Government will make it possible for us to act unitedly with them in this solution of the Polish problem and that we shall not witness the unhappy spectacle of rival governments in Poland, one recognized by the Soviet Union and the other firmly adhered to by the Western powers."

To Russia and the Satellites. "Armistice terms agreed upon with Finland and Rumania bear naturally the impress of Soviet will and here I must draw attention to the restraint which characterized the Soviet terms to these two countries. . . . Bulgarian armistice terms have not yet been signed. Soviet intervention in this theater was at once startling and effective. The sudden declaration of war by Russia was sufficient to induce Bulgaria to turn her caitiff arms against the German intruders. . . .

"[Bulgarians] want to be treated as a cobelligerent, but so far as Great Britain is concerned they must work their passage for a long time and in no uncertain fashion before we can accord them a special status, in view of the injuries our Allies in Greece and Yugoslavia sustained at their hands. Meanwhile, let them march and destroy all the Germans they can find in enemy lands. We do not want them in the lands of the Allies."

To Italy. "During my visit to Italy I had the opportunity of seeing the leaders of all the parties, from the extreme right to the extreme Communist. . . .

"I had conversations with Prime Minister Signer Bonomi, and also talked with him and Marshal Badoglio together--they are friends. The Marshal faithfully observed the conditions imposed at the armistice a year ago. He has done his best to send all possible Italian forces, particularly naval forces, into the struggle with Germany and he has worked steadily for improving relations between Italy and Britain and between Italy and the Allies."

To France. "In my last statement to the House, I spoke of the importance of including representatives of France in all discussions affecting the Rhine frontiers and the general settlement of Germany. . . .

"It would now seem possible to put into force the decree of the Algiers Committee whereby at the interim stage the [Consultative] Assembly would be transformed into an elected body-- reinforced by the addition of new elements drawn from inside France.

"It would render possible that recognition of the Provisional Government of France and the consequences thereof which we all desire to bring about at the earliest moment. I close no doors upon the situation, which is in constant flux and development."

To Russia and the U.S. "The future of the whole world and the general future of Europe, perhaps for several generations, depends upon the cordial, trustful and comprehending associations of the British Empire, the United States and Soviet Russia, and no pains must be spared and no patience grudged which is necessary to bring this supreme hope to fruition."

To British and U.S. Voters. "There is another warning I would venture to give to the House, and that is not to be startled or carried away by sensational reports and stories which emanate from the other side of the Atlantic. There is an election on, and very vivid accounts of all kinds of matters are given by people who cannot possibly have any knowledge of what has taken place at secret conferences. . . .

"The President and I both have pursued the policy of making no changes other than those forced by death ... in the Chiefs of Staff charged with the conduct of the war. ... In consequence that there have been no changes, the men who met at Quebec knew each other well, and they were united in the bonds of comprehension and friendship and had the whole picture and sequence of the war ingrained in their minds, in their very beings; for when you have lived through these things you do not have to turn up musty files to see what happened on particular occasions."

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