The Issue

The most logical of nations suddenly found itself face to face with the most fundamental of issues in Europe's tortu ous revival: are national Communist Par ties truly national, or are they Russian pawns in world power politics? If they were Russian pawns, how could the French Communist Party be fitted into the pattern of French democracy?

A deceptive calm preceded the crisis.

The Hug. Le grand Charlie had doffed his uniform and his general's stars, donned dark blue mufti and become simple M. de Gaulle. Having resigned as Provisional President, he retired from his offices on the rue Saint Dominique to a villa in suburban Neuilly. There he waited for the new Constituent Assembly to call him back to duty.

The call came unanimously. Only one of 556 Assemblymen did not vote to have M. de Gaulle serve as President of the Government until the constitution of the Fourth Republic is drafted. Extreme Rightist Louis Dumat abstained from voting: "I am against the Communists. The Communist Party, in hugging De Gaulle to its breast, will try to smother him tomorrow."

The Deadlock. But M. le President resisted smothering with characteristic stubbornness. While tactful Mme. de Gaulle served hot grog for journalists waiting outside the villa in the chill autumn weather, her husband talked on & on with party notables.

All the talk and the grog could not put together a coalition government on the President's terms. M. de Gaulle was up hard against Communist insistence that theirs, as the party which polled the most votes (5,000,000), should name its own man for one of the three key posts: Foreign Affairs, War, Interior. He refused to put a Communist in any of these posts, but offered them other places in the Cabinet.

In the deadlock the President had the full support of the Popular Republicans (M.R.P.). In foreign policy, the M.R.P. advocates a western bloc. In domestic affairs, it seeks a fusion of Christian morals and limited socialist economics. On all counts, it is the bete noire of the Communists.

But M. de Gaulle apparently did not have equal support from the Socialists. Although the party last August overwhelmingly rejected fusion with the Communists, though it also stands for a western bloc, it fears that an open break with the Communists would be unpopular with many Socialist voters.

The Debate. M. de Gaulle carried the issue to the public. It was erroneously re ported that he had resigned. Actually he returned his "mandate" to the Assembly with a request for a "decision" -- i.e., a new mandate to form a government on his own terms. To the nation the President broadcast an explanation:

"I did not believe it possible to confide to [the Communists] many of the levers that control foreign policy: the diplomacy that expresses it, the army that sustains it, and the police that protect it.

"In acting otherwise, in today's world situation, I would have risked not following ... the French policy of equilibrium between the two very great political powers [Russia and the U.S.] which I believe absolutely necessary for the interests of the country and even for peace. . . ."

The Decision. The Communists adroitly proposed veteran Socialist Felix Gouin, 61, Assembly president and an amiable but not strong personality, as President. Presumably they did not care for the titular Socialist leader, aging Leon Blum, who is regarded as less than susceptible to Communist overtures. The Socialists did not bite.

This week the Assembly met in a tense atmosphere made more tense by heavily armed guards surrounding their chamber in the Palais Bourbon. Quickly the Assembly reached a decision. Led by its Socialist-M.R.P. majority, it voted down the Communists, 400-to-163, and directed M. de Gaulle to continue his efforts to form a coalition government.

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