An Imperial Socialist

The British Empire stands physically and ideologically in the path of Russian expansion. Last week Foreign Secretary Ernie Bevin rose massively from the Government bench in the House of Commons to define, in two memorable statements, his position toward Russia and toward the Empire:

Statement No. 1: "I can't conceive of any circumstances in which Britain and Russia should go to war and I can't see what we have to fight about."

Statement No. 2: "I am not prepared to sacrifice the British Empire, because I know that if the Empire fell the greatest collection of free nations would go into the limbo of the past and it would be a disaster."

Bevin meant both statements. Yet they could be in apparent conflict if the Russians chose to press upon the internally weakened Empire. As Bevin spoke, the Empire was creaking in a high wind--and its troubles had a direct connection with Russian pressures. Prime Minister Clement Attlee told Parliament that "leftwing elements and Communists" had fanned the Bombay mutiny. Whether they had or not, Russia's championship of dependent peoples at UNO had obviously aggravated widespread colonial unrest.

"Friendly Neighbors." Grave, greying Anthony Eden gave Bevin the full backing of the Conservatives. Bevin had more challenges from the 40-odd Labor backbenchers who think he is too harsh on Russia than he got from the Tory opposition. He answered them by wheeling round to face his own side of the House as he said: "You cannot carry out a foreign policy on a very narrow and limited basis, neither can you alter history by a slogan."

As an ace union organizer, Bevin knew that the only way to alter historical processes was by organization. As a Socialist, Bevin recognized the meaning of the satellite bloc Russia is forming on her borders. He has long been eager to balance it with a Socialist grouping in Western Europe. Communists--but not the Kremlin--have said that such a move would be a threat to Russia. Bevin told the House of Commons that he had "deliberately raised" the question at Moscow last December with Stalin: "You want friendly neighbors. Well, in my street I want friendly neighbors too." He reminded Stalin of the Anglo-Soviet 20-year treaty of friendship, offered to lengthen it to 50 years.

"Motherland Impregnable." Last week Russia gave her neighbors a relatively quiet time. Stalin did use the 28th anniversary of the Red Army's founding to tell his comrades that they must raise still higher "the military and economic might of the Soviet state [and] make the borders of our motherland impregnable against enemies."

If Britain and Russia knew what they wanted, the U.S. was not so certain. America's spur-of-the-moment style of diplomacy was neatly explained last week at Jimmy Byrnes's press conference. Asked if he expected Russian and British troops to withdraw from Iran as scheduled by March 2, Byrnes smiled brightly and said that he never anticipated trouble--it generally overtook him.'

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