No Peace

In the cool, rural peace of Pennsylvania's Pocono Mountains last week some 500 labor union delegates and labor economists listened thoughtfully to two men whom most unionists regard as caustic critics.

U.S. Senators Robert Alphonso Taft and Joseph Hurst Ball had sound advice to give labor's annual social and economic conference at Camp Tamiment. Its essence: let organized labor recognize that the will of the majority of U.S. citizens is for legislation to improve the pattern of labor relations; therefore let organized labor itself help write its ticket, bring forth its own program, help in drafting acceptable measures.

The Senators (both had led the fight to pass the Case Bill) had another identical theme: labor has too long regarded any legislation except that which is unmistakably pro-labor as hopelessly bad. But, Senator Ball chided the delegates, "We have been unable to get constructive suggestions from labor leaders . . . they have no suggestions to offer whatever."

In last week's lull from strikes, many an American hoped that now was the time when smart unionists would do some soul-searching and long-range planning for peace. Their hopes were vain.

A Breather? In Washington, worried Economic Stabilizer Chester Bowles came up with an idea, tried it out on unenthusiastic Harry Truman, then hurried off to try to sell it to Labor Bosses Phil Murray, Bill Green, et al. The idea: let the C.I.O. and A.F.L. chiefs agree to recommend to their memberships that the U.S. have a year of industrial peace. Bowles asked them to say, in effect: "Brothers, now is the time to keep our feet on the ground and get production going against inflation; let's keep working and lay off any new wage demands except those already in process or in flagrant cases of substandard pay."

Chester Bowles' plan for a breather (not a flat no-strike pledge) was two-edged. By it he hoped1) to save for labor some semblance of price controls; 2) to give the President something positive to say to Congress if, as expected, it sends him a tattered OPA bill he might be tempted to veto. The President thus might be able to say: I have a pact for a year's peace, for production's sake. Now give labor the assurance that rising prices will not nullify better wages.

The labor bosses listened noncommittally to Bowles. They knew that they could never hold their men if prices broke through. They also knew that there was many a political crevasse between a labor pledge and a Congressional fulfillment. Besides, their minds were occupied with an immediate worry. The Hobbs anti-racketeering bill, already approved by the House and long dormant in committee, was suddenly brought before the Senate one day last week and swiftly passed without debate or record vote. The bill provides fines up to $10,000 and prison terms up to 20 years for labor union representatives or others who obstruct interstate commerce by robbery or extortion. (Labor regards it as restrictive of legitimate union activities.) An identical provision had been in the vetoed Case Bill.

Now it was labor's turn to exert pressure for another veto. It was too soon for pious talk of peace.

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