Cleveland, Jan. 9,10,11.

What does the rest of the world expect of the U.S.? What is the U.S. going to do about it?

On the answers to those two questions will hang issues of war or peace, of economic reconstruction or decline--indeed, the shape of the world for the next two or three decades. How the U.S. meets the international responsibilities its great power imposes on it will be determined not by one or two men but by the American people. In accepting its new role in world affairs the U.S. public has shown an unprecedented interest in the details of foreign policy.

In some communities that interest is keener than in others; in Cleveland, discussion of foreign affairs is probably more fully crystallized than in any other U.S. city. To call national attention to Cleveland's extraordinary civic achievement in this field and to help answer some questions all Americans are asking, TIME was glad to accept an invitation to become a co-sponsor of the 21st annual Institute of the Cleveland Council on World Affairs. The Institute will include five major sessions on Jan. 9, 10 and 11. Four of the meetings will be held in Cleveland's Public Music Hall (seating capacity: 3,000). Mayor Thomas A. Burke has appointed a committee of 84 leading Clevelanders to welcome the Institute and its speakers.

Among the foreign speakers will be Premier Alcide de Gasperi of Italy, Maurice Schumann, brilliant leader of France's progressive Mouvement Republicain Populaire, Uruguay's Foreign Minister Eduardo Rodriguez Larreta. Some significant U.S. views will be voiced by Cardinal Spellman, Navy Secretary Forrestal, Sumner Welles, and James Carey, Secretary-Treasurer of the C.I.O.

The U.S. Government's position in the world today is symbolized by two men, Secretary of State James F. Byrnes and Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg, co-authors of the bipartisan foreign policy. Both will speak at the Institute. Against a background of informed but unofficial U.S. views and of foreign reaction to U.S. policy, Byrnes and his Republican colleague will conclude the sessions with restatements of what the U.S. is trying to accomplish in the United Nations, the Council of Foreign Ministers and other organizations devised to make or keep the peace.

The sponsors of the Cleveland Institute call the forthcoming forum "A Report from the World" in the belief that study of the relationship between the U.S. and other countries is the most realistic and fruitful approach to worldwide international relations. Either a cynical assumption that the U.S. will drift back into isolationism or an over-optimistic belief that the U.S. will carry more than its share of the burden might retard for years the growth of a wholesome spirit of international cooperation. Both the U.S. and the rest of the world have much to learn about what each may expect of the other in the crucial years ahead.

"My ideal would be to produce a situation in which it could be said that every man, woman and child . . . understood the large outlines--economic, racial, social and political --of modern international relations. . . ."

Thus, in 1934, Cleveland's late Newton Diehl Baker, World War I Secretary of War and famed Wilsonian, wrote to Brooks Emeny, a young (then 33), Princeton-trained instructor in foreign affairs at Yale University. It was an offer of a hard job: to put vigor and educational purpose into Cleveland's limping Foreign Affairs Council. Slender, earnest Brooks Emeny took it on. He found a membership of 300 women, 50 men holding only four meetings a year.

"A Report from the World" is a notable milestone of the Cleveland Council as a community influence. Per man, woman & child, the nation's sixth city has become its most international-minded. Cleveland's Council now has almost 4,000 members, of whom half are men. The year-round program of the Council includes speakers who are a small "Who's Who" of U.S. and foreign authorities. Council topics are then carried by the members into dozens of neighborhood and other small group forums. In 450 of these meetings last year foreign affairs played to audiences totaling more than 65,000.

The Council also conducts forums and study groups in 22 high schools, reaches thousands of other young Clevelanders through radio and Public Library activities. Sample high-school subjects: "Can U.N. Work?"; "How to Live with the Atoms." Council helpers are no longer surprised to find dozens of youngsters boning over clippings and books in its research library.

During the decade when the U.S. moved to a pre-eminent position in world affairs, community-minded Cleveland began to discuss foreign relations as avidly as it had discussed neighborhood playgrounds, transit regulations and bond issues.

The climax of the Council's work is its annual Institute. TIME gladly became a co-sponsor of the 1946-47 Institute because its editors believed that Clevelanders' efforts to inform themselves on world affairs paralleled TIME'S own effort to bring world news to its readers.* No forum can reflect every color of thought on every nation's problems and policies; nor can it give every shade of U.S. opinion. (The Cleveland Institute, for instance, omits specific treatment of such important, complex problems as Palestine and India.) The program:

FAR EAST AND PACIFIC

From China: In almost every major international conference since Versailles, the world's diplomats have known Wellington Koo, now China's calm, clearheaded Ambassador to the U.S. Few statesmen are more at home amid the intricacies of world politics and economics (he was China's Foreign Minister six times and has been its ambassador to most of the major capitals of the western world). A staunch champion of world organization, Dr. Koo was China's man at the League of Nations, the pleader for its action to halt Japanese aggression. At San Francisco he was the first to sign the U.N. Charter (he used a brush to write the Chinese characters of his name: Ku Wei-chun). Yale-trained Dr. Koo is the man TIME'S Editor Henry R. Luce will introduce in opening discussion of the Far East and Pacific.

From the U.S.: When he returned from China a few months ago, Dr. Henry Pitney Van Dusen, president of New York City's Union Theological Seminary and one of the foremost leaders in the Protestant churches in the U.S., forthrightly wrote: "China in Communist hands would be the most probable, one may almost say certain, prelude to World war III. . . . For those who are willing to face realities unafraid, one thing is clear: America's most important strategic frontier is not on the Rhine or the Elbe or at the Dardanelles. It is on the borderline of Soviet-American confrontation in northern China. . . . Consequently the U.S. must lend every practicable support to the constituted government of China." He added a condition for support: China must clean its political hands of "incompetence and corruption." Handsome, 49-year-old Dr. Van Dusen, a Presbyterian liberal, will speak to the Institute not only as an American exceptionally well informed about the Far East but also as a church statesman, who believes that vigorous moral leadership is necessary for a just and durable peace. He has long been a leader in the movement toward a Christian Union, an enthusiastic supporter of foreign missions. He points to the fact that many of China's leaders are Christians or Christian-educated, believes that Christianity has been a major influence in China's long struggle for peace and stability.

From the Philippines: An immediately grave question in Asia is whether the so-called dependent peoples can get along on their own. The Philippine Republic, striving against serious eco nomic obstacles to make democracy work, is one of the first great experiments in the movement of hundreds of millions from colonialism to independence. To tell the Filipinos' hopes and needs comes a resounding orator, Brigadier General Carlos Pena Romulo, aide to General MacArthur on Bataan, Manila newspaper publisher, the Republic's delegate to U.N.

From the U.S.: Navy Secretary James Vincent Forrestal, the hardworking man who had the most to do with making U.S. sea power the world's greatest, is the expert advocate of the Fleet's peacetime tenet: "Our mission is to wage the peace around the world." His strong insistence on a big Navy is matched by a passion for hard facts and a grasp on world affairs which makes him one of Washington's top foreign policy advisers.

LATIN AMERICA

In an era of polar strategy, Latin America no longer bears the military importance to the U.S. that it did before and during World War II. But South America is and always will be important to the U.S. economically, politically and culturally. At present the central question of Pan-American relations is how far the U.S. and its neighbor democracies should go in combating non-democratic governments close to home. The Institute will hear these speakers on Latin America:

From Argentina: Tall, tailored Victoria Ocampo, whose great-grandfather came to the U.S. in 1818 to get arms to fight the Spaniards, calls herself a "South American potted cactus." She is, however, much more orchidaceous than cactaceous. Rich and Paris-educated, she is Argentina's acknowledged "Queen of Letters," a benevolent if sometimes imperious autocrat of its intellectual life. She foots the bills for the magazine Sur (South), her country's best literary vehicle. In it and in her own prose she strives for a national Argentine literature. Talented 55-year-old Widow Ocampo is a firm friend of the U.S. and an antitotalitarian of considerable influence in Argentina.

From Brazil: Soft-voiced Oswaldo Aranha (pronounced Are-ahn-yah), wartime Minister of Foreign Affairs and chief champion of the Allied cause, believes that the most important international aim for the U.S. is a genuine solidarity with all the Latin American nations.

From Uruguay: Long-faced, able Foreign Minister Eduardo Rodriguez Larreta until mid-1946 advocated Pan-American intervention to overturn Peron's Argentine regime. Then, like many others, he backtracked to seek Argentina's friendship, even if it meant "swallowing Peron, however bitter a pill that is." In Uruguay's politics he holds to the middle of the road.

From the U.S.: Sumner Welles, the professional diplomat who operated the Good Neighbor policy for six years as Under Secretary of State, now is a frequently bitter but always lucid critic of how his successors apply it.

From Italy: Alcide de Gasperi, Prime Minister of the First Italian Republic, learned patience as a mountain climber and in bitter years as a foe of Fascism (he spent many months in Mussolini's jails). For the last year, 65-year-old De Gasperi and his moderate Christian Democratic Party have had a difficult time maintaining their position against extremists of the Left and the Right. A disciple of reform without revolution, he has played for time and has brought his Government through several tight crises. But patience is not a prime virtue of many Italians. Signs of restiveness among Communists and neo-Fascist groups have increased in recent weeks, have caused grave fears of disorders. Disillusionment with De Gasperi and democracy has fed on unemployment, high living costs, food shortages; contributing factors have been UNRRA's failures and the Paris peace terms (which De Gasperi protested as too harsh). De Gasperi's mission to the U.S. is one of urgent pleading for help (in food, trade restoration and political support) to save Italy for democracy.

From France: Young (35) Maurice Schumann is president of M.R.P. (Mouvement Republicain Populaire), the progressive party which attempts to translate into contemporary policy the principles of social justice enumerated by Pope Leo XIII. Before the war Schumann was a Paris journalist. From the time France fell until he landed in Normandy on Dday, Schumann was the nightly radio "spokesman of Free France." That gained him a reputation among French patriots second only to that of his chief, General Charles de Gaulle. Schumann's political popularity has grown while the General's has shrunk. One reason: Maurice Schumann is one of France's most emotionally spectacular orators. He is also known for his political honesty and for able administration.

From The Netherlands: Clear-eyed Eelco N. van Kleffens, former representative of The Netherlands on the United Nations Security Council, has impressed other U.N. delegates by his ability to bring common sense and clarity to the most involved political and procedural discussions. An authority on international law, he was also a member of U.N.'s Atomic Energy Commission. His tiny nation's stake in the solution of world problems is immense. The economic future of The Netherlands depends, in great measure, on the Big Powers' determination of Germany's industrial future. The Netherlands is also deeply concerned in the Pacific, where much of her once-great East Indian empire is being torn away by revolution.

From Britain: Few Americans know the U.S. as well as shy, crinkly-haired Robin J. Cruikshank, one of London's ablest journalists (he is a director of the Liberal News Chronicle). Few Britons, in & out of Government, are as devoted to fostering better Anglo-American relations. Six-footer Cruikshank, the News Chronicle's U.S. correspondent from 1928 to 1936, was one of the few British newsmen who gave the U.S. serious coverage, did not write about it as if it were an extension of Coney Island peopled mostly by tycoons, cinema cutups and political crackpots. He married an American (Margaret Adele MacKnight of New York City). Mrs. Cruikshank is an editor of London's Economist, writes on U.S. affairs. He turned his favorite subject into a novel, The Double Quest, using the symbol of a Briton's love for an American girl as the theme for Anglo-U.S. amity. Later, as wartime head of the Ministry of Information's American Division, he suggested the same idea to cinema scripters, saw it come to light as the movie Stairway to Heaven, now showing in the U.S. He is also the author of Roaring Century, a current British bestseller.

From the U.S.: General Omar Nelson Bradley, the "Doughboys' General" and able boss of the Veterans Administration, well knows how much peace in Europe cost in U.S. lives and money. The probable next Chief of Staff, he has a vital interest in seeing that U.S. foreign policy helps to create a politically and economically stable Europe; unless such a Europe is created, Bradley's veterans (or their sons) may fight again over battlefields where, two years ago, Bradley was hammering out victory.

CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE

From Czechoslovakia: Jan Garrigue Masaryk, Foreign Minister for the new Communist-Socialist Czech Government and chief of its United Nations delegation, stands between two ideological worlds. Son of the father of Czech independence after World War I, Jan Masaryk became the fervent pleader of his country's lost cause after Munich. No Communist, Masaryk is now busy at his job of explaining to the Western world Czechoslovakia's new role as an ally of Russia. Says Masaryk: "There is no iron curtain in Czechoslovakia. . . . The door to the West is wide open. . . . We go along with Russia on the big European political issue, but that does not mean we are going to compromise on other things. . . . Give us the benefit of the doubt."

From Turkey: Ahmed Emin Yalman, editor of Istanbul's newspaper Vatan (Fatherland), is a small, mild-mannered man with an immense capacity for daring independence. He finished his education in the U.S. (three years at Columbia University), then started his paper in 1923, after helping to bring gusty Kamal Atatuerk to power. In 1925 Atatuerk suspended Ahmed Emin's paper for ten years because he had criticized Government policies. In 1935 Ahmed Emin took up where he had left off. During the war, Vatan was one of the few journals in Turkey which strongly supported the Allied cause. Again it was throttled for long periods for its attacks on Government policies--and once for publishing a still photograph from Charles Chaplin's The Great Dictator, which had been banned by the Turkish Government. Ahmed Emin long fought Turkey's single-party system. In the past year a weak anti-Government party has been established, but Ahmed Emin refuses to become its candidate--it might interfere with his independence.

From Hungary: Paul Auer is Hungary's Minister to Paris. He is an international lawyer of Europe-wide reputation, who turned diplomat a year ago. Between World Wars I & II, he was a frequent legal adviser to the French Government and acted for the U.S. legation in Switzerland on some cases with which the League of Nations was concerned. Long an advocate of international cooperation and of European federation, Lawyer Auer in 1936 offered a plan to strengthen the League of Nations by adding to it an economic and social council. The League did not adopt this idea, but the United Nations did. An anti-Nazi, Auer lived in disguise in Hungary during the war. At last summer's Paris Peace Conference, at which he represented Hungary, so many Frenchmen came to greet him that other former enemy delegates were surprised to learn that he belonged on the losers' side of the table.

From Germany: John Scott, TIME'S chief correspondent in Berlin, will report on the Germans and on Big Four occupation policies at work. Berlin is Europe's vantage point for watching the development of Soviet policy. Scott has an extensive acquaintance among Russians in Berlin. Few Americans know the U.S.S.R. as well as Scott; he worked in the Soviet Union for five years as a welder and chemist in the steel mills at Magnitogorsk, for four years as a newsman in Moscow (he was expelled for reporting too well). He married a Russian, speaks German and Russian fluently. He is the author of three books about the U.S.S.R.: Behind the Urals, Duel for Europe and Europe in Revolution.

From Russia: An invitation for spokesmen of the Soviet Union to participate in the Institute was extended twelve weeks ago through Andrei Gromyko, its delegate on the United Nations Security Council. The invitation has been repeated in cables to Moscow. At press time of this issue, no acknowledgment had been received.

From the U.S.: James B. (for Barren) Carey, Secretary-Treasurer of the Congress for Industrial Organizations. Slim, 35-year-old Jim Carey is one of U.S. labor's ablest men, a scrappy advocate of labor's responsibility (in all countries) in shaping policies for peace. He was labor's representative on several wartime Government boards and is one of its most experienced men in its international fields. He represented the C.I.O. at the London and Paris conferences which set up the World Federation of Trade Unions, was a consultant at the United Nations conference at San Francisco. Late in 1945 he headed a C.I.O. delegation which visited Moscow and Leningrad. In C.I.O. councils (he has been a top officer for eight years) he is a straight-talking battler against Communist influence in unions, preaches that Communist Party activities in this country are "a major barrier to true American-Russian understanding."

THE U. S.

The Institute's closing session will be given over to authoritative discussion of U.S. responsibilities. In the past year these responsibilities have been exercised in a largely negative way, i.e., necessary resistance to Russian expansion. But in the long run, U.S. leadership must be positive and must extend in full vigor from the field of diplomacy into economic organization, education, morals and wherever American ideals may find expression. This does not mean that the U.S. will attempt to dictate or interfere with the policies of other countries. It does assume, however, that the world looks to the U.S. for more than material aid and military protection. The Institute's sponsors hope that their guests from abroad will spell out in concrete terms how the U.S. may assist in building a better world, and that the U.S. spokesmen will suggest practical, contemporary methods of realizing U.S. democratic principles in U.S. foreign relations.

From Education: In the fields of education and cultural activities, women play a major part. The Institute's speaker on this theme is Mildred Helen McAfee (Mrs. Douglas Hor-ton), the "Captain Mac" who organized, trained and bossed 86,000 WAVES, is now again the president of Wellesley College. She believes that colleges (in which she has spent almost all of her adult life) are the place to start to right wrongs in the postwar world.

From Religion: Francis Cardinal Spellman, Archbishop of New York, will discuss the U.S. spiritual role in the world. He has proclaimed it thus: "America has been, and must ever continue to be, under God, the Beacon of Liberty . . . the proof that humanity can live in mutual respect based on the law of God, voiced through the conscience of man, and in mutual esteem, based on the responsibility of democratic life." Cardinal Spellman, the closest U.S. friend of Pope Pius XII, is as American as an apple dumpling -- a onetime trolley-car conductor who now holds an airplane pilot's license. During the war, as Military Vicar to the U.S. Armed Forces (and chief of about 5,000 Catholic chaplains) and as a frequent Vatican envoy, he became one of the world's most traveled men (120,000 miles).

From Congress: Michigan's Republican Senator Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg, who has done the most to put and keep U.S. foreign policy on a bipartisan basis, will speak in the new G.O.P.-controlled Congress with even more authority than he wielded last year. As chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, his influence in uniting Senate action on the broad objectives of world security will be greatly enhanced. He firmly believes that U.S. policy, as it is today, will succeed -- "unless it is scuttled here at home."

In 1947 U.S. policies will be expressed largely in economic terms and Vandenberg has already ad dressed himself to the task of mobilizing congressional support for foreign economic policies which will implement U.S. political efforts. Senator Vandenberg's approach is realistic. He has cautioned that the U.S. is not rich enough to "become permanent almoner to the whole earth." That remark does not foreshadow a return to economic isolationism. Vandenberg well understands that the world's reconstruction needs may continue to call for U.S. sacrifices. Says he: "As much as anything, I am concerned about our own psychology, the continued reiteration of our congenital impatience."

From the Administration: In the 18 months he has been Secretary of State, James Francis Byrnes has been largely occupied with international conferences -- the Big Four, the U.N., the 21-nation meeting in Paris. The climax of these meetings, often deadlocked and always difficult, came with the simultaneous sessions of U.N. and the Foreign Ministers in New York. At these meetings the U.S. policy of "patience and firmness" with Russia began to bear fruit after a year of frustration and delay in the making of the peace. After the New York adjournments Byrnes left for a well-earned vacation. The Cleveland speech will be his first since the New York sessions. It will also be the first time that Byrnes and Vandenberg have ever appeared together before the general public; the audience will be large -- for the final session Mayor Burke has afforded use of Cleveland's big Public Auditorium (seating capacity 12,000).

During the Institute's three days, the U.S. State Department will use its overseas radio facilities to broadcast translations of the Cleveland discussions to many European, Latin American and Far Eastern countries. In the U.S., the National Broadcasting Co. is arranging several discussion programs in which some of the Institute's speakers will participate. Cleveland, while the Institute is in progress, will be the world center of international affairs.

* TIME was published in Cleveland from August 1925 to January 1928.

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