Anyone's Race

WANTED: Ambitious young Democrat, slightly left of center, resident Eastern U.S., effective social presence, proved political success, Protestant. World War II record highly desirable but not imperative. For pleasant, remunerative ($20,000-a-year) position, easy hours, opportunity for advancement, apply Democratic National Committee, Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C.

Until last November, even such a classified ad would hardly have lured a vice-presidential candidate to the Democratic ticket for 1948. But by last week, with Democratic hopes for victory still on the post-election rebound, headquarters could count on a swarm of prospects, who well remembered how Harry Truman himself had reached the White House.

Anathemas. No one seemed to fill the bill exactly. Most of the top-ranking Eastern Democrats who had proved their vote-getting ability at the polls were Roman Catholics (which would make them anathema to the Democratic South): House Minority Leader John McCormack, Connecticut's Senator Brien McMahon, Rhode Island's fireball Freshman Senator J. Howard McGrath.

Pennsylvania's Senator Francis Myers had won a surprise victory in 1944, but he was too predictably dull; Maryland's Senator Millard Tydings stood too far to the political right; New York's ex-Senator Jim Mead had been beaten to a frazzle by Tom Dewey last November; and New York's ex-Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia was just a little too unpredictable. New York's present Mayor Bill O'Dwyer fitted a lot of the requirements, but he is constitutionally ineligible, since he was born in Eire.

All this suited headquarters strategists perfectly. As much as an ideal candidate, they wanted a wide-open free-for-all that would keep pre-convention interest high.

It was no secret that they were privately counting on the Cabinet to furnish some of their best bets. One was Princeton-bred, Wall Street-trained Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal, who some day might be Secretary of National Defense. He was geographically perfect, ideologically sound, would add tone to the ticket. His big drawback was that he had never even run for dogcatcher.

Another was Wisconsin's hulking Interior Secretary Cap Krug. He had the disadvantage of John Lewis' sworn enmity, but the advantage of a World War II record in the Navy and enormous political ambition. (In the capital last month a mysterious tabloid called the Washington Examiner had already started booming him for the presidency in 1952.)

Commerce Secretary W. Averell Harriman, an able administrator and an adept public speaker, could probably be persuaded; but he was almost too rich. Also wealthy and able was Lewis Douglas, Ambassador to Britain. There were only a few prospects counted out for sure by Democratic headquarters. Florida's left-wing Senator Claude Pepper was one such. Just about everybody believed the political disclaimer of Secretary of State George Marshall (who would become President if Harry Truman died in office). Ike Eisenhower, who had tried hard to squash presidential rumors, would be even less likely to consider the No. 2 spot.

Wheelhorse Snort. For the rest, speculation ranged from Washington's Governor Mon Wallgren (a close friend of Harry Truman's), to Illinois Senator Scott Lucas (geographically bad), to Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas (whom F.D.R. had listed alongside of Harry Truman as an acceptable running-mate in 1944). By convention time President Harry Truman would undoubtedly narrow the field to working size. Meanwhile Democratic headquarters was jubilant. Snorted one wheelhorse: "Six months ago everybody was running for President; now everyone is running for Vice President."

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