Spring Maneuvers

Things began to fall into place. Last week the Truman Doctrine, still not entirely clear to Washington, was having crystal clear effects in other capitals. In Hungary, the Communists pushed out the democrats (see FOREIGN NEWS). In France and Italy, the democrats pushed out the Communists. The pattern made sense.

Hungary, occupied by the Red Army, lies beyond direct reach of U.S. policy. So the Russians decided to consolidate their power before the Red Army withdrew. France and Italy, on the other hand, lie in a world where U.S. economic and political pressure cannot yet be shut off by the Communists. U.S. Secretary of State George C. Marshall promptly underlined the lesson; he 1) canceled the unused half of a $30,000,000 U.S. credit to Hungary; 2) wished "every success" to Italy's new Red-less Government.

"It's Wonderful." Italy's Premier Alcide de Gasperi had resigned from the coalition Cabinet, formed a Cabinet without the left, chiefly because U.S. policy had given him the courage of his convictions, i.e., that a democrat has no business collaborating with Communists. The U.S. put a premium on formation of a non-Communist Cabinet (by holding out the prospect of a commerce and friendship treaty, thawing Italian assets in the U.S.).

Just as De Gasperi announced his decision after 18 frustrating days of interregnum, the bright evening sun broke through the clouds over Rome, and gusts of wind swept up the city's rain-pelted streets. Many Italians felt that the air had indeed been cleared. Cried the black-curled son of a Rome shopkeeper: "It's wonderful. When the Christian Democrats finally had to choose between a liberal economy and state planning, they chose liberalism. Now we can do business!"

The shutout left predicted its imminent return to power, after the new Government's inevitable flop. Cried pro-Communist Socialist Pietro Nenni: "What goes out the window will come in the door." That was a clear cue for the U.S. not to let the new Government flop; it might be difficult to protect Ministers who are as inept as they are well-meaning.

"Par-dessus la Tete." In France, the picture was even clearer. A little man had got good & sore at the Communists. When Paul Ramadier took office (before anyone had heard of the Truman Doctrine), he was generally considered an inoffensive type with some administrative ability. But the Communists pushed him around too much. During the last Government crisis (TIME, May 12), he suddenly declared: "J'en ai par-dessus la tete (I'm fed to the gills)," and fired the Communist Ministers. It was the Truman Doctrine that gave him the means to stay mad ever since.

Last week, in a dingy Montmartre hall, where rats scurried through the wainscoting, the national committee of the Gas & Electric Workers' Unions met. The men wanted higher wages, even though it meant wrecking the Government's wage-freezing policy. The committee decided on a strike.

A few hours after the meeting, still angry Ramadier announced that the workers had been requisitioned by the Government. On the radio, Ramadier told the workers: "I am telling you in a friendly way: do not go on strike. . . . You are no longer in the employ of an individual.... Do your duty. . . ." Twelve hours later, the strike was called off. The biggest news about that decision was that the Communists let it happen.

The Left Left. The Communists were not prepared to risk a showdown. Said Jacques Duclos: "Only imbeciles talk about a general strike." But this "respectable" policy cost the Communists thousands of supporters. The name of Leon Trotsky began to be heard again in France.

Trotskyites started the strike at the Renault plant which culminated in the Communists' expulsion from the Government. Ramadier accused "Trotskyites, anarchists and Cagoulards" (i.e., fascists) of having a hand in the 56 food riots that took place throughout France in the past fortnight. The Trotskyite Front Ouvrier has now managed to infiltrate such diverse organizations as the teachers' union and the machinists' section of the book-publishing union.

One of these Trotskyites is Albert Demaziere, a handsome, young (32) ex-teacher who is organizational secretary of the Fourth International. Last week he told a TIME correspondent:

"Of course we want a general strike. It is desirable and possible, but not probable, because the great Communist machine has betrayed the workers and is holding them back. A very important era is opening for us in France."

It looked, in France and elsewhere, as if the Truman Doctrine was putting the Communists in the middle.

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