"Now that the Kettle Is Ours"

The cold, muddy waters of Shanghai's Soochow Creek teemed with thousands of Chinese junks and smaller sampans. Terrified refugees were preparing once more to flee before the surging tide of Communism. Nevertheless, the great majority of Chinese were becoming more reconciled to the prospects of Communist rule. The cagey Reds had switched to a "soft" line.

Taking a tip from Lenin's 1921 Russian shift to the New Economic Policy, Communist Boss Mao Tse-tung was striving to ease the strain of revolution by talking of moderation. He hoped to allay the fears of capitalists and technicians, both Chinese and foreigners. New phrases which sounded like U.S. factory slogans urged workers to "study technique and raise production efficiency, cherish your implements and save raw materials." Said a Red soldier in Tsinan: "In the villages we have to eliminate feudalism and boost production, and in the cities we have to protect industry and commerce so that production may be increased." Within Communist ranks, leaders announced "self-examination conferences" for "correction of leftist tendencies."

"Walk, Don't Run." At Shihkiach-wang, railroad hub on the Peiping-Han-kow line some 175 miles south of Peiping, an American reported perceptible economic progress since, his visit six months earlier. The Communists had started many small industries--weaving shops, flour mills, brick kilns, foundries, machine shops--which are flourishing. He found wealthy merchants still operating. Many women had permanents which they got in reopened beauty shops.

At Kaifeng, capital of Honan province, the Communist take-over was peaceful. A U.S. woman missionary said "they came in, fired into the air and told Nationalist soldiers to lay down their arms. Civilians were told to go home--'walk, don't run.' " Commissars posted a bill of rights. One clause provided "freedom of thought and religion." Food was brought in and prices went down. Before the new policy was introduced, ton chang (the people's court) was dreaded by many middle-class Chinese. The Reds admitted regretfully that "in some places landlord and rich peasant elements were unnecessarily put to death." A month after Kaifeng's capture ton chang had done no "account settling."

Near Peiping, an American professor of English at Tsinghua University encountered a group of Communist soldiers while bicycling. "I am an American," he said. "We don't mind," one of the soldiers replied. "We understand not all Americans are against us." The soldier added with a grin: "We also understand Madame Chiang is not having much success in the U.S."

When nearby Yenching University was occupied, the commissar of local Red forces called on the university's administrative committee. He apologized for interruption of electric service and promised the university would have current from the newly captured Peiping power station within three days. It did.

"All Was Quiet." Speaking at a mass meeting of Yenching students, the commissar said Chinese Reds desired friendly relations with all foreign countries, including the U.S., and eventually hope to be admitted into the United Nations. The speech avoided all the usual attacks on "American imperialism." A few days later the same commissar visited neighboring Tsinghua University, a Chinese government institution, and made the same professions of Communist respectability. The fact that his first concern had been for American-endowed Yenching was not lost on the courtesy-sensitive Chinese.

In Chengchow, a rail junction for east-west and north-south traffic in Honan, two Shanghai cotton brokers reported "all was quiet." Their warehouse of cotton had been untouched by the Communists. Said a Red officer: "When the kettle belonged to Chiang, we tried to break it; now that it is ours, we want to preserve and use it."

In other words, the Communists intended to take full advantage of their ability to bring the immediate fruits of peace to China. By war and sabotage they had prevented the resumption of normal life after China's liberation. Now the mere end of fighting'would bring a resumption of trade and a measure of (relative) prosperity. What would happen when Mao Tse-tung no longer needed to tread softly would be another--and a grimmer--story.

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