Defense First

Although European economic integration was stalled, the West had moved forward on a more immediately important front--Europe's military defense. Last week the Communists were shifting position in an effort to counter this Western gain.

In the first years after World War II, Moscow strategists assumed that the Red Army could roll almost unopposed to the Atlantic if they decided to take the great chance on World War III. But it might be more prudent to capture Western Europe through the ballot box. Accordingly, Western European Communist Parties concentrated on political drives to exploit economic misery and insecurity. Their success was checked by the Marshall Plan, but they still knew that in event of war Western Europe offered no military obstacle to the Red Army. Last fall the Kremlin realized that the U.S. military aid program might change that fact.

At the November meeting of the Cominform in Hungary, Stalin's representative, Mikhail A. Suslov, emphasized that France, as the key to Western Europe's defense, must not be allowed to rebuild its army. French Communists were to concentrate on sabotaging military reconstruction even if such a program cost them dearly in members and political influence.

Last week the new policy could be seen working on two fronts: 1) Russia recognized the government of Communist rebel Ho Chi Minh in Indo-China; 2) French Communists prepared a wave of waterfront strikes to hamstring U.S. military aid.

Tough Slice. Purpose behind the open Soviet support of Ho was to make it harder for the French to restore order in Indo-China. The more military effort they are forced to spend on Ho, the less they would have to defend France.

Many Frenchmen were offended by this Russian diplomatic action on Indo-China; more would be shocked when the French Communists showed their hand in sabotage of the military aid program. French Communist leaders understood this and moved with misgiving to carry out Moscow's orders. Last month Communist Jacques Duclos said to a nonCommunist: "If we concentrate all our efforts on the problem of low wages and high living costs, in nine months we shall have on our side the whole working class and a good slice of the petite bourgeoisie."

That was exactly the policy Moscow had told Duclos & Co. not to follow. Instead, the French Reds were last week embarked reluctantly but obediently on the military sabotage policy which was sure to lose them votes and members.

The party put tough young Laurent ("Eye of Moscow") Casanova in charge of the new effort. He sent organizers to Cherbourg to call dock strikes against the first ships bearing U.S. military aid; these are due to arrive in about a month.

Casanova was having his troubles. The Communists have recently lost ground in French labor unions. Not a single important French union is now under firm Communist control. The one most nearly under the Red thumb is the longshoremen's union.

Last week from the offices of Communist union officials in French ports came a stream of defiant announcements. Example: "In no circumstances will American war materiel be unloaded."

Security & Prosperity. Thus began a new and very difficult phase in the life of French Communism. It was openly lining up against "la securite de la patrie" dear to every Frenchman.

Obviously, the Kremlin would not have substituted this unpopular policy for the popular economic argument if it had not put military considerations first. The Kremlin has realized far more clearly than the West that in Asia and in Europe the military stakes are far more important than the economic stakes. A prosperous area will not necessarily be a defensible area. An area which the West resolutely and intelligently prepares for defense can, in time, be made into a prosperous area.

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