Struggle for Germany

Until this week, the West had been acting as if it had a "situation of strength" in West Germany. No matter what Russians might promise, no matter how much Germans might hesitate, the West pushed forward with its offer to West Germany: we will stop occupying your country if you will let us stay as defenders; we will give you almost complete sovereignty if you will arm on our side.

Almost everybody had some misgivings, but these were held to be old-fashioned and proof of bad sportsmanship and failure to recognize the common peril. Then in March came Soviet Russia with its promise of a free, united, armed and neutral Germany. Many a West German began to dream of reunion with the 17 million East Germans; maybe the Russians didn't mean it, but wasn't it worth investigating?

No, said Chancellor Konrad Adenauer sternly; no, echoed France, Britain and the U.S. The West turned the Kremlin down. This week, in the normal tossing back & forth of diplomatic notes, the time came for the West to reply again to Russia. This time, as all could see, there was a situation of weakness.

The Faltering. Surprisingly, it was the U.S. that faltered first--not Britain, France or Adenauer. The State Department did not take the Russian promise seriously, but it feared that too many Europeans did. So the U.S. proposed that the allies agree to meet in Berlin with the Soviet Commissioner for Germany, for a preliminary exploration of how free any elections would be in East Germany. Adenauer was startled; so were the British; the French were stunned. Hitherto it had been the U.S. which stoutly insisted: don't get caught in any stalling talks with the Russians; keep the door open (as the diplomats say), but hope no one will come in; speed the sovereignty and integration of West Germany. Across the Atlantic clacked the objections; the State Department fell back. At week's end the allies busily worked out a statement that would in effect be the same reply to Russia as before: you'll not divert us from pur course unless you make a more genuine and specific offer than you have so far.

What had caused the State Department to falter? This week there were many signs that the whole elaborate edifice constructed by the West to bring the West Germans into Western defense was in danger of collapse. Among the signs:

Socialists of Britain, France and West Germany held a family get-together in Bonn, took counsel of -their fears, and showed a pronounced itch to talk things over with the Russians. The British Labor Party, which in office had backed West German rearmament, suddenly demanded Big Four talks on the future of Germany. On this, British Labor was unanimous: Nye Bevan was for it, so was Clement Attlee. The motivation was largely the ancient, undying fear of German resurgence. Labor's advice: soft-pedal German, rearmament until the other members of NATO --notably France--are strong enough to keep a rearmed Germany in its place; postpone German integration into Western defense, so as to avoid giving the Germans a chance to choose between their own "unification" and Western defense.

German Nationalists, believing, with some reason, that West and East are competing for Germany's favor, boldly denounced the 300-page "peace contract" which Adenauer is negotiating with the occupying powers. From one of them came a cry that stirred old memories: he called the contract "a new Versailles." Most scathing were the complaints of two right-wing parties--the Free Democrats (52 seats), and the German Party (17 seats)--upon whose support Chancellor Adenaue1) West Germany must receive "unconditional sovereignty"--i.e., it must be free to quit Western defense whenever it wishes; 2) West Germany's armed forces, which exist only on paper, must be commissioned to defend only the Fatherland and not "foreign interests." A group of Adenauer's own party--the Christian Democrats--joined the Nationalists, demanded a complete revision of the contract, with more "equality" for the Germans.

Britain, nettled by the Germans, bluntly announced that allied negotiators had already made "over 100 concessions" to the Germans, and that the British would make no more.

The West was staking everything on aging Konrad Adenauer's ability to carry his country with him into the European Defense Community. But the odds were mounting against him. His coalition had recently lost control of the Bundesrat, Germany's upper house. This week, as a straw in the wind, local elections in the state of Hesse gave a solid victory to the Socialists, who oppose German integration with the West. Socialists polled 38% of the total votes; Adenauer's Christian Democrats got only 17%--down 5% since 1948.

The West could be sure that Adenauer would fight the battle of his political life. But it could no longer be sure that he would win.

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