Monday, Oct. 13, 1952

Different This Year

At first it looked as if Dwight Eisenhower's foray into South Carolina might be a flop. The crowd that turned up at the Columbia airport to greet him was small; on the way into the capital (pop. 90,000) with smiling Governor Jimmy

Byrnes, the motorcade passed a line of bleachers that was empty except for one girl staring solemnly at the visitor. But later, when Eisenhower emerged from the governor's office, it became clear why there had been so few people on the streets; they had all gathered around the Statehouse to hear Ike speak. A great crowd--police estimated it at 50,000--packed the Statehouse lawn and the wide streets leading to it.

"I want you to know," Ike said, "that I am proud to come here and ask for the help of the Solid South to win this election for America." He chose as his text two sentences from a Stevenson speech at Los Angeles in which Adlai had said that the "honor and nobility of politics" had become "empty phrases," and that this was the fault not "of the lower order of the genus pol" but of "you, the people." Said Eisenhower: "Are you to blame for allowing nation after nation to fall to the Communists? . . . Are you to blame that . . . our country has no clear, positive, practical program for peace? . . ." On each major issue, Ike asked the same question: Are you to blame? Each time, the crowd roared no.

On the touchy issue of civil liberties, Ike said: "Neither at home nor in the eyes of the world can America risk the weakness that inevitably results when any group of our people are ranked--politically or economically--as second-class citizens." At that, the otherwise enthusiastic crowd was silent.

Some Eisenhower enthusiasts believe that he can carry South Carolina's eight electoral votes, although no Republican since Reconstruction has come close to winning. Eisenhower and Nixon will be on the South Carolina ballot apart from the regular Democratic and Republican columns, so that a South Carolinian will be able to vote for them without voting Republican. The Democrats are confident that they can hold South Carolina. They think that Ike may get as many as 75,000 votes, but believe the state total will exceed 200,000. All concede that South Carolina is less safe for Stevenson than several other Southern states: Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Arkansas, Tennessee and Kentucky. In the rest of the South, Stevenson has a fight on his hands. Last week's developments:

Texas. To nobody's surprise, Governor Allan Shivers came out flatly for Ike. Said he: "This year of decision is a time to place principle above party and the interests of our state and nation above tradition and habit ... I fear that Stevensonism will be Trumanism with a Harvard accent."

Florida. Senator Smathers announced that he would vote for Stevenson but would not campaign for him. Asked to introduce him at a forthcoming appearance in Florida, Smathers replied: "I would have to say that I do not agree with him on the tidelands oil grab, on the jail-sentence FEPC, and on gagging of the Senate." Meanwhile, a Florida politico petitioned the Democratic National Committee to unseat Richard Barker, Florida's national committeeman, because of his "lack of cooperation" in campaigning for Stevenson. Nevertheless, Stevenson seems to be ahead in Florida.

Louisiana. The Longs are out for Stevenson; their enemy, Governor Robert Kennon, is for Ike although he is not yet actively campaigning. Unless New Orleans unexpectedly swings Republican after Ike and Stevenson speak there this month, the state will probably stay Democratic.

Virginia. This seems to be the Southern state in which Stevenson is in greatest peril. In 1948, Virginia voted 41.4% Republican, plus 10.4% Dixiecrat. Eisenhower is far more popular than Dewey was in 1948, but Stevenson is more popular than Truman was. Leaders of the Byrd machine, one of the most effective (and cleanest) in the U.S., have agreed to disagree in the 1952 election. Some are working for Stevenson, some for Ike and some are following the example of the boss, Senator Harry F. Byrd, who is "picking apples" and not saying how he will vote. If Byrd comes out strongly for either side, he will swing the state. If he stays neutral, Ike has an even chance.

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