U.S.E.

"I will not try to conceal the emotion which assails me at this moment," said Paul-Henri Spaak, the plump Belgian Socialist who looks like Winston Churchill. "Not ten years ago, the countries represented here . . . had but one thought: to destroy each other as completely as possible . . . We recovered, we pulled ourselves together; and while forgetting nothing--for to do so would be profane--we resolved to set forth on the great adventure . . . Therefore, this draft treaty is not only a moving message of reconciliation; it is an act of confidence in the future."

Spaak, tears in his eyes, was addressing a European Constitutional Assembly gathered last week in the horsehide-paneled chamber of Strasbourg's Palais de 1'Europe. As chairman of a committee charged with drafting a constitution for a United States of Europe, he presented the Assembly with 116 Articles bound in a blue leather volume. If approved by the six governments and parliaments of "Little Europe,"* the constitution would establish a supranational U.S.E. sustained by a population equal to the U.S.A. (155 million), nourished by the coal & steel of the Schuman Plan, defended by the soldiers of the European Army (EDC).

Europe's authority would rest on:

P: A 268-man "People's Chamber" elected by popular vote. Composition: France and the French Union, 70 members; Germany, 63; Italy, 63; Belgium, 30; the Netherlands, 30; Luxembourg, 12.

P: An 87-man European Senate elected by the six national parliaments. Composition: France, Germany and Italy, 21 members apiece; The Netherlands, 10; Belgium, 10; Luxembourg, 4.

P: A President of the U.S. of Europe, elected by the Senate and choosing his own international cabinet (Executive Council).

Europe's Washington. Paul-Henri Spaak had played James Madison's part in drafting the constitution; now he saw himself as George Washington. He even quoted Washington ("Individuals entering society must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest"), and advised the six Foreign Ministers who attended the Assembly to follow the U.S.'s example. "If we show the same boldness . . . there is no sound reason why we should not achieve the same success. Ours alone is the task . . . of giving back to the Old Europe her strength, her greatness and glory . . . We can carry out one of the most magnificent things in history."

Moved by their chairman's eloquence, the Assembly delegates voted a rousing approval: 50 to 0, with five abstentions, four of them French (two Gaullists, two Socialists). The Foreign Ministers, whose approval in effect would bind their governments, were less ready to throw in with the plan. France's Georges Bidault tried his best to be enthusiastic ("I am happy to pay you . . . the tribute: 'Salute to the Adventurers'"), but he spoke with the voice of weary experience: "Let us beware of thinking . . . that all things are possible to hearts that are sincere."

Bidault bills himself as a sturdy champion of European unity, but once more it fell to him, as it had recently in Rome, to dampen enthusiasm and delay progress. Other ministers--notably Italy's De Gasperi and Germany's Adenauer, who double as Foreign Ministers--enthusiastically support a U.S. of Europe, believing that their parliaments are more apt to accept military unity (EDC) if it is accompanied by political and economic unity. Bidault's hesitations reflected just the opposite: he feared the talk of a U.S. of Europe would jeopardize the chances of the European Army Treaty in the French National Assembly. Having lost the support of the Gaullists, Bidault needs the support of the French Socialists to ensure ratification, and the Socialists have their price: no more cuddling up to "Vatican Europe" (by which they mean the Catholic-Conservative governments of Adenauer and De Gasperi) until after the national elections in Italy (June) and Germany (September). Then, the Socialists believe, Europe may turn again to the left, and union can be consummated on good old Socialist principles. Or so the French Socialists say. The fact is, they are a veering, indecisive lot, whose hesitations have helped make postwar French policy the impotent thing it is.

Further Study. In Strasbourg last week, Bidault paid the Socialists' price and made Europe pay it too. The Foreign Ministers, in the communique that they finally agreed on, promised only further study. It was a comedown from the heroic oratory that opened the conference, but one man, at least, was unabashed. "Great perseverance will be required," said Paul-Henri Spaak. "But. . . one day, in a larger and more solemn Assembly than the present one, the United States of Europe . . . will at last be proclaimed."

*The Schuman Plan nations: France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, The Netherlands, Luxembourg.

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