Comeback Trail

Six months ago, General Fazlollah Zahedi, Iran's new Premier, emerged from hiding into Teheran's riotous streets to begin a race. He had exactly $45 million worth of time--a gift from the U.S.--to get Iran back into oil production and onto a stable basis. Zahedi popped the $45 million into the Bank Melli as Account No. 30824 and set to work.

His tasks:

P: Negotiate an agreement with London compensating the expropriated Anglo-Iranian Oil Co. Probable cost: $300 million.

P: Repair and modernize Iran's corroded catalytic crackers, sulphur-coated pipelines, neglected transport. Probable cost: $200 million.

P: Find technicians--not Anglo-Iranian--to operate the new company.

P: Regain Iran's oil market, long ago taken over by other Middle East producers. Today, there is a world oil surplus of 1,500,000 barrels daily.

P: Elect a new Majlis to ratify the oil agreement.

Last week Account No. 30824 held only enough cash to last until mid-April, but Fazlollah Zahedi seemed to be winning the race. At home, the job of choosing the new Majlis was going well--for the Premier. Seventy-seven deputies have been elected so far, every one of them pro-Zahedi.

The Premier had simply let it be known that localities must vote his list or none at all. Item: a constituency near Kerman beat up the man Zahedi sent there to be elected; Zahedi suspended its balloting. Item: a former Iranian Ambassador to the U.S. announced himself as the pro-Mossadegh candidate from Kashan; Zahedi forced him to remain in Teheran. Item: the powerful Zolfaghari tribe in the northwest rigged the election of two pro-Mossadegh deputies; Zahedi rushed in four tanks and arrested the chiefs for using "undue force" on the voters. Moral: nobody in Iran save Fazlollah Zahedi is allowed to use undue force on voters.

It was unpleasant and undemocratic, but unusual in its speedy efficiency. Mohammed Mossadegh's elections in early 1952 were equally rigged, bloodier (50 died), but more happily haphazard. Zahedi, Premier in a hurry, has no time to be haphazard. And while he is winning no popularity contests, he seems to be winning the race for his people's future.

He is getting cooperation from the U.S. and Britain, who after three years are now, for a change, working together. Brit ain sent 16 hand-picked diplomats to Teheran; the mission showed none of the oldtime superciliousness, and impressed Zahedi. In London, the oil world's Big Eight--Anglo-Iranian, Royal Dutch Shell, Compagnie Franc,aise des Petroles, New Jersey Standard, Socony, Texaco, Cali fornia Standard and Gulf--were secretly hammering out a tentative agreement to market Iran's oil through an international consortium. In Washington, the National Security Council directed the Attorney General to grant the five U.S. companies immunity from antitrust prosecution if they joined the combine.

If the occasion produces a hero, it is apt to be Veteran Oil Geophysicist Herbert Hoover Jr., able, 50-year-old son of the ex-President, special $11,000-a-year petroleum adviser to the State Department. Since October, Hoover has been shuttling between Teheran, London and Washington, quietly wearing the fabric of agreement. In Teheran, he patiently explained the facts of life in the oil world today to Zahedi. Hoover kept out of the papers and out of controversy.

Actual negotiations are expected to begin soon after British Ambassador Sir Roger Stevens arrives in Teheran next week. If all goes well, Iran's oil should begin reaching the world market within six months, and Iran can begin her comeback from the incredible days of Dr. Mossadegh.

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