Overwhelming Yes

The day of the debate dawned cold, with fine driving snow whipping off the Rhine into the capital city of Bonn. The Communists were early in action, staging "a fighting day for the whole nation" in the cities of the Eastern zone. A delegation of "East German mothers" arrived in Bonn and joined a crowd of Ruhr rowdies who paraded around chanting, "Adenauer is following in Hitler's footsteps--throw him out." The Socialist trade unions of Munich turned out 25,000 members carrying banners with the slogan: "We don't want to die for dollars or rubles."

Inside the Bundeshaus the members' gong sounded, summoning 151 Socialists and 333 members of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's Christian-Democrat coalition to the climactic debate on West German rearmament. For five years the debate had raged, setting German against German, until the arguments were worn to cliches and all that was left was passion. But though the Deputies' minds were made up, and the result a foregone conclusion, more than 50 eager politicians had put down their names to speak. The debate was, in effect, the last opportunity for each side to arrange the record on which West Germany's political battles will be fought for years to come. The proceedings were broadcast and televised, and the Deputies, ignoring each other, pitched many of their speeches to the listening German people.

Nonsense About Neutrality. There were two items on the agenda: 1) the Paris accords proper, restoring German sovereignty and inviting rearmament in NATO, and 2) the much-abused Saar agreement, signed by Adenauer and Mendes-France (TIME, Nov. 1). The Paris accords came first, and at once the Socialists weighed in with the made-in-Moscow argument that they have chosen to regard as their own: ratification of rearmament means the end of all hope of German reunification. Ex-Communist Herbert Wehner, 48, mastermind of the Socialist left wing (TIME, Feb. 28), talked up a Geneva-style conference at which the West could trade German rearmament for German reunification--assuming that the Russians might be so minded. He made much ado about "automatic consequences," suggesting casuistically that a vote in the West German Bundestag for rearmament would "automatically" condemn 18 million East Germans to perpetual Soviet tyranny.

Socialist after Socialist harped on Wehner's theme, which stirs deep passions in Germany and is well suited to a party that is searching for an emotional issue, and being in opposition, need not worry about having to carry out what it advocates. A Berlin Socialist argued for Buendnisfreiheit (freedom from alliances).

There are two military blocs, he said. "Therefore we must think of something else." The Socialist Party's military expert thought Germany should join with the Scandinavian countries, Austria, India and "possibly" Japan in a belt of states to keep the two great power blocs apart. Dr. Linus Kather, a member of the Refugee Party which a year ago was advocating a war of liberation and has since swung full circle, said the only way the Germans could win back the eastern territories now occupied by Red Poland is by remaining "genuinely neutral."

Sellout on the Saar? Replying for the Christian Democrats, Minister without Portfolio Franz Josef Strauss, 39, dismayed his own party by clowning for the TV camera, bellowing, telling broad jokes, waving his arms and grinning happily. Other Cabinet ministers failed to shine in the debate. Asked how much the twelve German divisions would cost in the first year, Economics Minister Ludwig Erhard confused friend and foe alike by shouting (to roaring applause): "Let the Americans pay for it."

Grim old Konrad Adenauer, slumped in his chair on the right of the podium, carefully saved himself for the toughest part of the debate--on the agreement to "Europeanize" the German-speaking Saar. It began on the second day, with the Socialists shouting "sellout." Adenauer's own coalition parties are divided over the Saar, and under the eyes of the gloating Socialists, their members began abusing each other. Pudgy little Dr. Max Becker, a superpatriotic Free Democrat, connected the Chancellor's agreement to Europeanize the Saar with the ugly word "treason." The Free Democrats had proposed to buy the Saar from the French, and Becker shouted: "We are ready to give money and goods, but not people and land."

Mavericks on the Right. Der Alte was furious. White with rage, and shaking, he stomped up to the rostrum and spent 25 minutes tongue-lashing Becker for his "dangerous" nationalist speech. Becker had quoted a French proverb, "Nothing is more permanent than that which is temporary," in reference to the Saar agreement. "You, Becker," shouted the Chancellor, pointing his long forefinger at the Free Democrat benches, "I'll never forget you said that . . ."

Though as coalition partners they have four ministers in the Adenauer Cabinet, the Free Democrats decided to throw their 47 votes against the Saar agreement. Newspapers excitedly proclaimed a "cabinet crisis," but the fact was that with or without the Free Democrats, Adenauer could muster the votes for the simple majority he needed. Der Alte, looking ahead to the arms-implementing legislation that would require a two-thirds majority, rejected the advice of Christian Democratic hotheads who wanted to boot the mavericks out of his coalition, and worked out a compromise that allowed the Free Democrats their head but kept his Cabinet intact.

Massive Majority. On the last day of debate, as the Socialist attack droned on, the old man was in excellent spirits. He wandered around the Bundestag floor shaking hands with his friends, smiling when he heard the opposition attack him. Only when the Saar vote was taken did he sit" down uneasily, tense and a little pale. When the result was announced, he knew he had triumphed: for the Saar agreement, 264, against, 204. A huge grin spread across the old man's leathery face. In the final ballot on the Paris accords, the government coalition voted almost solidly:

P: To end the ten-year occupation by the U.S., Britain and France: 324 to 151.

P: To permit the Western powers to keep their troops in West Germany, as allies not occupiers: 321 to 153.

P: To admit West Germany to NATO and rearm twelve German divisions (500,000 men) within the Western European Union: 314 to 157.

The long fight was over.

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so reader's discretion is required.