Spreading Impact

In West Germany a Foreign Office official treated himself to a figure of speech: "The trigger was pulled in Moscow, the bang was heard in Vienna, but the shot fell in Bonn."

Some months ago, before the Paris accords to rearm West Germany were ratified, Russia's Molotov was threatening that if the treaties went into effect, a Big Four meeting would be useless, because there would be nothing to negotiate about. Now that the accords have been ratified,-- Russia was angling for a four-power Foreign Ministers' conference in Vienna. Purpose: to approve the Raab-Molotov deal made in Moscow, which promises to end Allied occupation of Austria (TIME, April 25). The three Western powers, after consultations among themselves, replied that they would be pleased and ready to have their Foreign Ministers confer with Molotov--but only after a prior meeting at the ambassadorial level should have prepared the way.

The Austrian Example. The U.S. wants the ambassadors at Vienna to examine obscurities (possible booby traps) in the Raab-Molotov agreement. Example: Are the Western powers expected to guarantee Austria's "neutrality," or merely her territorial integrity?

In West Germany the impact of the Austrian deal was immense. Thousands of West Germans were asking themselves: If Austria can be unarmed, unoccupied and unified, why not we? The Socialists were pushing the idea for all it was worth. The Adenauer government and the conservative and center press hastened to point out the differences: Germany has 70 million people as compared to Austria's 7,000,000; Austria has no Ruhr; Germany is potentially a strong military power and Austria is not; Moscow would be reluctant to dissolve the East German government except at a staggering price, while Austria has no Communist government to dissolve.

Still the Austrian example lingered in German minds, as it was meant to. Even one of Adenauer's top advisers was heard to say: "Maybe, just maybe, the Russians are so desperate to solidify their position in the Far East that they will make concessions in Europe." Editorialized the influential weekly Christ und Welt: "One Raab does not make a summer, but he might announce a change of season."

Symbol of Confidence. Acting unilaterally and with a certain haste (to strengthen Chancellor Adenauer's position), the U.S. sent High Commissioner James B. Conant to deposit the instrument of U.S. ratification of the West European treaties in Bonn, ahead of the British and French, instead of together as originally planned. Conant signed the protocols with Adenauer, while a crowd of U.S. and German dignitaries and newsmen looked on. Said Der Alte: "I value this as a symbol of confidence and friendship. It obligates us to carry on and deepen our mutual work."

Moscow papers did not copy.

At one of those splendid diplomatic parties in Moscow where Soviet leaders permit themselves a few jovial words with Western correspondents, Russia's Premier Bulganin was asked whether there might be a "parley at the summit" after the Foreign Ministers met. "Ask Eisenhower and Eden about the date," he replied. "I have made my position clear." He had already said that he "took a positive attitude" toward Big Four talks.

-- By all signatories except The Netherlands, which is expected to complete ratification this week.

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