Signs & Portents

While the President was asking Baylor's students for critical analysis of U.S. foreign policy, signs were multiplying that his own Administration was doing some critical analyzing of its own. So far, the changes were only bits and pieces, in some cases no more than a difference in tone, but signs and portents of change showed up as the Administration:

Served notice that while the U.S. is developing a new tolerance for neutrals, it can be pressed too far. As late as last April, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had defended Egypt's Premier Nasser as a sincere patriot despite his arms deal with the Reds. Last week Dulles termed Egypt's recognition of Red China "an action we regret." To emphasize U.S. displeasure, Dulles indicated that Egyptian acceptance of Russian aid to build the Aswan Dam would mean U.S. withdrawal from the $1.3 billion project. Next day Ike removed some of the sting, saying that a single unwelcome act by another nation does not "destroy friendship for that nation."

Dropped its guard against strategic shipments behind the Iron Curtain still another notch. Last week Dulles took a tolerant, understanding tone toward Britain's announcement that it would send more strategic goods to Red China, added: "We do not now have to conclude that it will lead to a general breakdown" of the strategic goods ban.

Named veteran Foreign Service Officer Julius C. Holmes, currently minister to Tangier, to examine "means to extend NATO cooperation in nonmilitary fields." This means speeding the conversion of NATO from a narrow military pact into the broader politico-economic alliance that Secretary Dulles has been hinting at.

Raised an interested eyebrow at the possibility of top U.S. military officers visiting Russia. Following a phone call by the Soviet embassy last week inviting Air Force Chief of Staff Nathan Twining to send two or three high-level airmen to Moscow's Aviation Day, June 24, Assistant White House Press Secretary Murray Snyder told newsmen he "wouldn't be surprised" if all the Joint Chiefs accepted a Red invitation. Diplomatically, this was a gaffe, because an invitation had not even been issued. But was it a hint? Next day Senate Republican Leader William Knowland, who can take a hint as well as the Russians, warned that if this ended in inviting Bulganin and Khrushchev to the White House, the American people would not stand for it.

No new Administration policy but a forceful plea for one came from Robert McKinney, 45, able editor and publisher of the daily Santa Fe New Mexican (circ. 11,000). Last year McKinney headed the Citizens' Panel on Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy, whose report was followed by President Eisenhower's decision to make available 20,000 kilograms of fissionable material to overseas nations. This week McKinney came back to Washington, reported that Ike's initial step was dying from red tape and lack of know-how, and urged an equally bold followup. Said McKinney:

The U.S. should go farther and actively help build atomic plants in "have not" areas, where atomic energy "looms in magnified perspective because it is the only real chance for a good life in this generation. To Japan, Thailand, Pakistan, India, Turkey, to countries in the Middle East, to countries in Africa like Liberia . . . atomic-power demonstration plants can spell new hope for economic growth. They can be a symbol of cooperative effort which could do more good than any number of cease-fire agreements."

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