Apostle at Large

Secretary of Labor James Paul Mitchell stepped before the International Association of Machinists' quadrennial convention at San Francisco last week, ostensibly to speak on automation, but actually to begin a two-month campaign to convince as many union men as possible to vote for Dwight Eisenhower in November. Mitchell was cautious ("We have strictly enforced the labor laws"; "The days of hate the boss and smash the union are over"), for he was an apostle in the camp of the not-yet-convinced. During the speech he was interrupted four times by mild applause (next day Adlai Stevenson got a frenetic welcome), and he got a courteous clipped hand at the close.

White Sheep. Such is the thorny road facing Secretary Mitchell, 55, the onetime department-store executive (Macy's, Bloomingdale's), Roman Catholic, and labor-relations expert who succeeded Steam Fitter Martin Durkin in the Cabinet. Labor leaders concede that he has done a creditable job as Secretary; they admire his sincerity and ability. But Mitchell has never been able to convince them that his attitudes are the Administration's attitudes. Explains a California steelworkers' union official: "They look at Mitchell as a fair and honest guy, but as a sort of white sheep in a black family."

In his 27 speeches in 32 cities this month and next, Mitchell's main aim will be to counteract that sentiment. With each speech he will intensify a Mitchell technique that has helped in the past: informal conferences with lower-echelon union men. Wherever he visits, the Secretary arranges a bull session over drinks in his hotel room or over coffee after a leisurely breakfast. He is a good listener and a skillful answerer, can soothe an angry questioner or dodge a trap.

Right-to-Work. The Secretary of Labor is going to press some key arguments. The first is economic: a record 66,800,000 Americans are at work. The second is political: 12 of the 18 states with socalled right-to-work (which unions simply call antiunion) legislation are Democratic, and from these states come four times as many Democratic Congressmen as Republican. Said Mitchell: "How can people who come from these states be favorable to pro-labor laws? The chairman of the House Labor Committee [North Carolina's Graham Barden] has absolutely no interest whatever in legislation favorable to labor--and he says so. When you elect a Democratic Congressman from any other state, you are helping to elect, by seniority, the chairman from North Carolina."

The Labor Secretary's campaign assignment is not an easy one. Says an assistant: "Anybody can give a speech to a Republican rally. This is the one guy in the Administration who spends most of his time talking to Democrats and independents. It's a tough job."

But G.O.P strategists are confident that the Labor Secretary will help to crack a stratum of top uniondom to reach the rank and file. Says Labor Under Secretary Arthur (A Republican Looks at his Party) Larson: "If those workers had voted the way their leaders asked them in 1952)> Eisenhower wouldn't be President today."

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