No Place to Hide

One of the cold war's most cherished political concepts has long been that of the limited war, in which each side would abide by a sort of atomic-age Marquis of Queensberry rule book, refraining from using nuclear weapons on the ground that to use them would mean ruin for both sides. But though defense budgets have long been shaped to concentrating on atomic bombs, missiles and artillery instead of masses of infantry, the notion persists that there might still be a direct confrontation between U.S. and Russian arms in which only conventional weapons would be used.

The men whose business it is to plan for war, in both the U.S. and Russia, know better. In February U.S. Air Force Secretary Donald A. Quarles set forth the U.S. position quite clearly: "To deter not only total war, but limited war as well. I believe we must make clear to all potential aggressors that we will resist aggression with our quality weapons from the outset. Any lesser posture of deterrence is an open invitation to aggression, and is less than our best effort to avert war."

Last week, before a meeting of army and navy trainees in Moscow, Soviet Defense Minister Marshal Georgy K. Zhukov stated the Russian position in equally plain terms. The roles were reversed but the meaning was the same.

"In the event of a major armed clash," said Zhukov, "atomic weapons will inevitably be used as the principal means of offense ... At present there is no corner in the world where an aggressor might seek cover. The Soviet air force is capable of delivering crushing blows against any adversary, wherever he might be or hide."

Though Zhukov's speech was studded with the standard Soviet references to "American imperialists," it also contained a pointed reminder to his listeners. "Our probable adversaries [i.e., the U.S.] have an adequate supply [of nuclear weapons] and means for their delivery on our territory."

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