State of the Union

Striding three paces forward from the swinging central doors of the House of Representatives chamber, Doorkeeper William M. ("Fishbait") Miller sucked breath and bellowed the call that has been his prerogative for eight congressional sessions. Cried Mississippian Miller: "Mistuh Speakuh, the President of the United States!" A packed chamber's applause pealed out as Dwight Eisenhower, following Doorkeeper Miller and followed himself by an escort of four Senators and two Representatives, made his smiling way down the aisle to the House well.

Ike took his place before a felt-covered reading stand, held arms high in the air to acknowledge cheers. When the demonstration subsided, he cut through formality to wish the Congress a happy new year on behalf of himself and Mrs. Eisenhower. In the gallery, Mamie took a bow. Still smiling and casual, the President turned to the rostrum behind him for timely birthday greetings to Vice President Nixon (45) and House Speaker Sam Rayburn (76). Then, the smiles giving way to solemnity, he turned to the business at hand: his sixth State of the Union message. When he concluded, the nation and the world had heard a speech that was unusual not merely for the vigor of the man and his words, but because Ike had departed from customary procedure to propose stern solutions to principal national problems.

Can He Lead? The President understood well as he faced the Congress, the Cabinet, the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the diplomatic corps that he was facing a critical test. During the seven weeks he spent drafting the first address of 1958--probably the most important of his five years in the White House--the President and his works had been under heavy attack, and he knew the nation's temper. (Wrote New York Timesman Arthur Krock the day before the address: "The question is: Can and will he fully and firmly lead the U.S., and hence the free world?") Moving quickly to calm fears and answer questions, the President:

P: Acknowledged that the "consensus of opinion" was that the U.S. lagged behind Russia "in some areas of long-range ballistic missile development" but with effort could have necessary missiles in quantity and in time (a considerable change in position from his post-Sputnik assertion that the first Russian satellite had not raised his apprehensions "one iota").

P: Owned up that he himself had not anticipated the psychological impact upon the world of the U.S.S.R.'s first rocket-launched satellite.

P: Called for stepped-up missile programs, advanced aircraft production, nuclear submarines and cruisers, improved antisubmarine weapons, as well as "all necessary types of mobile forces to deal with local conflicts, should there be need."

P: Put his Administration's prestige squarely behind continued foreign aid and took aim on those in and out of Congress who sneer at aid as a "giveaway." Snapped he: "We cannot afford to have one of our most essential security programs shot down with a slogan."

P: Took firm hold of the thorniest defense problem of them all by calling for Pentagon reorganization and by warning the Pentagon's generals and admirals that "harmful service rivalries" must stop.

P: Predicted resumption of U.S. economic growth after a year-end dip, but promised that the "full power" of the Federal Government would be used, if necessary, to keep the economy on even keel.

P: Without mentioning the McMahon Act by name, asked legislation that would allow the U.S. to exchange appropriate scientific and technical information with friendly nations without "handcuffs of our own making" that waste talent and money.

Patron Saint. The President emphasized the need for balance, and balance was a quality of his 5,500-word message. On one hand he stressed the necessity of adequate military power, which "serves the cause of security by making prohibitive the cost of any aggressive attack. It serves the cause of peace by holding up a shield behind which the patient, constructive work of peace can go on. But it can serve neither cause if we make either of two mistakes.

"The one would be to overestimate our strength, and thus neglect crucially important actions in the period just ahead. The other would be to underestimate our strength. Thereby we might be tempted to become irresolute in our foreign relations, to dishearten our friends, and to lose our national poise and perspective in approaching the complex problems ahead."

Balancing the nation's need for a military shield were the equal necessities of continued mutual aid and reciprocal trade: "Our programs of military aid and defense support are an integral part of our own defense effort. If the foundations of the free world structure were progressively allowed to crumble under the pressure of Communist imperialism, the entire house of freedom would be in danger of collapse ...

"America is today the world's greatest trading nation. If we use this great asset wisely ... we shall not only provide future opportunities for our own business, agriculture and labor, but in the process strengthen our security posture ..." In a wry poke at the Old Guard, Ike cinched his argument with a quote from the patron saint of high-tariff men: "As President McKinley said as long ago as 1901: 'Isolation is no longer possible or desirable.' "

Balanced also in the President's estimate of the situation were two obligations on the part of the Pentagon: 1) to produce with all possible haste such weapons of today as missiles and missile submarines; 2) at the same time to reorganize in preparation for the complex weapons of tomorrow: "Some of the important new weapons which technology has produced do not fit into any existing service pattern. They cut across all services, involve all services, and transcend all services, at every stage from development to operation. In some instances they defy classification according to branch of service."

"The Extra Mile." "The Soviets," said the President, "are, in short, waging total cold war. The only answer to a regime that wages total cold war is to wage total peace." Strength of armament is important to total peace. So is a willingness to seek genuine disarmament with safeguards of inspection. "I say once more, to all peoples, that we will always go the extra mile with anyone on earth if it will bring us nearer a genuine peace." At that point, to the discomfort of his audience, Ike was stricken with a frog in the throat. Newsmen and photographers tensed. Press Secretary James Hagerty motioned to Doorkeeper Miller, who hastened forward with a glass of water. The President waved away the water with a hoarse "No, thank you," cleared his throat behind a lengthy burst of applause. Then he moved to his windup:

"These actions demand and expect two things of the American people: sacrifice, and a high degree of understanding. For sacrifice to be effective it must be intelligent. Sacrifice must be made for the right purpose and in the right place--even if that place happens to come close to home. After all, it is no good demanding sacrifice in general terms one day, and the next day, for local reasons, opposing the elimination of some unneeded federal facility. It is pointless to condemn federal spending in general, and the next moment condemn just as strongly an effort to reduce the particular federal grant that touches one's own interest. And it makes no sense whatever to spend additional billions on military strength to deter a potential danger, and then, by cutting aid and trade programs, let the world succumb to a present danger in economic guise.

"My friends of the Congress: the world is waiting to see how wisely and decisively a free representative government will now act."

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