Concurrence on Deterrence

A great commotion sounded in Britain. Defense Minister Duncan Sandys' White Paper, asserting flatly that major Russian aggression, even by conventional forces, would be met by nuclear retaliation, had roused a fresh hubbub of demands to ban the hydrogen bomb, to abandon nuclear weapons, to refuse the U.S.-made Thor rockets. Thousands attended meetings organized by 85-year-old Philosopher Bertrand Russell, who wants Britain to forswear its nuclear weapons as an example to mankind. Urged on by the Daily Herald, 70 Laborite M.P.s backed a "Victory for Socialism" group, dedicated to rejecting the U.S. missiles. Last week Sandys faced the House in the midst of what had become a national debate.

The new missiles could be launched only "with the consent of the British government," he pointed out, and cited Opposition Leader Hugh Gaitskell's own statement that "there is no essential physical difference between the launching of missiles, which do not have to be manned, and the launching of bombers with hydrogen bombs, which have to be manned." He added: "If Russia, with her incomparably larger forces, were to launch an all-out attack, then the Western Allies would have the choice of striking back with nuclear weapons or submitting to defeat and occupation." The Victory-for-Socialism Laborites leaped to their feet shouting "Suicide." Sandys replied by quoting the words of Clement Attlee, uttered when he led the Labor Opposition three years ago: "It is no use telling the Russians that we would not be the first to use a hydrogen bomb in a war . . . It would be as if I and a heavyweight champion boxer faced each other with revolvers, and I told him that I was'not going to be the first to fire. He would just say 'Splendid,' and put down his pistol and knock me for six with his fists." Said Sandys: "I really do not think I can put the position clearer than that." However noisy Labor's back benches, George Brown, speaking for the Opposition leadership, urged only that the actual construction of the missile bases be deferred until after the powers can have another go at disarmament at a summit meeting. On the essential point, Brown aligned Labor's leadership with the Tory government against his own rebels. "We have accepted the [nuclear] deterrent," he said.

For Labor, the split in the party's ranks boded ill just at a time when virtually every poll showed them well ahead of the Tories in popularity. They have not forgotten that a bitter division on defense policy sent the party to defeat in the 1951 and 1955 elections. Then it was Nye Bevan who led the divisive revolt against German rearmament. Day after last week's debate, the Labor Executive Committee, including "Shadow Foreign Minister" Nye Bevan, summoned leaders of the Victory-for-Socialism group to answer for their "activities."

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