Testing Ground

In square-mile terms, New Jersey, with 7,836, is the fifth smallest state in the Union. In population, with 6,000,000, it is the eighth biggest and the most densely populated. In 1961 New Jersey will be one of two states (the other is Virginia) to hold gubernatorial elections. As such, it will be considered a major testing ground for approval or disapproval of the national Democratic Administration. Moreover, whichever party wins the Governor's chair--to be vacated under the state's constitution by two-term Democrat Bob Meyner--will have a long leg up on New Jersey's 1964 presidential vote, which Jack Kennedy took last year by a mere 22,000.

Democratic President Kennedy, former Republican President Dwight Eisenhower and G.O.P. Presidential Hopeful Richard Nixon all recognize the importance of this year's New Jersey election, and all three have already been active in candidate picking, with an eye toward the state's April primaries. But politically, New Jersey is a mess, with both parties torn by factionalism. As of last week, the Republicans had too many candidates while the Democrats had none worthy of note.

The G.O.P. Surplus. On the Republican side, both Ike and Nixon stand solidly behind the candidacy of the Eisenhower Administration's Labor Secretary James Mitchell. So does Republican U.S. Senator Clifford Case (although Case, no Nixonite, is fearful lest Mitchell appear to be too much a Nixon candidate, and has been trying to get an endorsement of Jim Mitchell from New York's Governor Nelson Rockefeller). However, other things being equal, the balance of G.O.P. power in New Jersey is held not by nationally prominent Republicans but by county and district professionals. They have little love for Mitchell, claiming that he gave them no patronage during his seven-year Cabinet stint; and their candidate is Bergen County's Walter H. Jones, majority leader of the state senate and legal counsel for the Bergen County Sewer Authority, an agency that was set up by legislation he had sponsored.

Traditionally, few voters turn out for New Jersey primaries, thereby giving a big advantage to the candidates sponsored by the local party bosses. If Mitchell is to get his party's nomination, he must, therefore, overcome tradition by arousing popular interest in his candidacy. No matter who wins, the G.O.P. is likely to be bitterly split when the November general election comes along.

The Democratic Dilemma. The Democrats are not in much better shape. Outgoing Governor Meyner wanted U.S. Senator Harrison ("Pete") Williams to run, but Williams flatly refused. President Kennedy's choice was his good friend and House troubleshooter, U.S. Representative Frank Thompson, and he exerted heavy personal pressure to persuade Thompson to run. But Thompson likes Washington and enjoys his repute as one of the Congressmen closest to Kennedy. He hemmed, then hawed, then declined. His privately given reason: his 16-year-old daughter Anne asked him if he was upset about possibly having to run for Governor. Thompson said "Yes." "Well," said Anne, "whatever you decide is all right with me." Thompson asked her what she really wanted, and Anne burst into tears. She said she was concerned about her mother, who dreaded the prospect of being the Governor's wife and thereby losing her privacy. Anne Thompson felt the same way: "When I go out on a date with a Princeton boy, I won't know whether it's me he's dating or the Governor's daughter."

Congressman Thompson's withdrawal left the Democrats without a name candidate of any sort--a fact that unless soon solved is certain to work to their disadvantage, even against the badly split Republicans, in what shapes up as the most important state election of 1961.

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