"Now Is the Time . . ."

For the first six months after his presidential defeat, Richard M. Nixon remained politically silent, resting up after the exhausting campaign and re-establishing himself as a California lawyer. But last week Republican Nixon returned to the political platform, beginning a four-day series of speeches in four states. His first talk, before Chicago's Executives' Club, was one of the most eloquent and effective of Nixon's political life, staking out a. badly needed Republican foreign policy position relative to the messes in Cuba and Laos. Excerpts:

"My first speech on national issues since the election presents a difficult problem. The trouble is that no one agrees what I should do. Some say, 'Continue to be a good loser; speak but don't say anything controversial.' Others say, 'Pour it on.' Still others say, 'Don't make any speeches.' In any event, a defeated candidate always runs a risk that members of the other party will accuse him of bad sportsmanship if he does anything other than compliment the new Administration. I shall speak as a private citizen, saying those things I believe are in the best interests of the nation.

"The type of fundamental issue that I have in mind is how our national effort is being mobilized to meet the threat to our existence. For example, the new Administration has made proposals which would impose upon the nation, over a two-year period, an additional $5 billion burden in federal spending, an additional $10 billion in new obligational authority. Of this total, less than one-third is to be spent for defense and national security. These programs include an education bill which in providing federal subsidies for teachers' salaries would, in my opinion, inevitably mean federal dictation of what is taught in our schools; a housing act that would stifle private initiative; a farm program that will make the American farmer hopelessly dependent upon and controlled by federal bureaucrats.

"At a time when the frontiers of freedom are under constant attack abroad, I believe that the national interest requires that we resist such programs which would chip away at the freedoms we enjoy at home."

The Loyal Opposition. "There is an obvious need for us to develop more effective programs to meet the threat of Communist aggression. How can those of us in the loyal opposition play a constructive part in developing such programs? The most popular course would be simply to abdicate any responsibility and endorse the programs of the new Administration in the name of bipartisanship. I submit that such a course on my part would not be in the national interest. Bipartisanship, once a decision is made and the nation's prestige is committed, is one thing. The situation is entirely different in the period when policies are developing and before a final decision is made. President Kennedy, speaking on September 20, 1960, endorsed this principle in this way: 'In times such as this, I say it is wrong and dangerous for any American to keep silent about our future if he is not satisfied with what is being done to preserve that future.'

"I also consider it the height of irresponsibility, when our President makes a decision which backfires, to gloat over the country's misfortune. I have been glad to note that members of my party have not resorted to the disgraceful tactics used by some members of the other party after the U-2 incident last year, proclaiming to the world that our prestige had fallen to a new low. The test in each instance is whether criticism is going to help or hurt America. We certainly do not help America by running her down in the eyes of the world.

"Further, I believe that the current obsession about the level of America's prestige in the world obscures the principles that should guide us. Those who talk constantly of our prestige seem to believe that we are in a popularity contest.* We are in a fight for our lives. What will count in the long run is not how popular our policies are but how right they are."

Prepared to Finish. "We must become accustomed to living in a time of crisis. The forces of Communism are determined to conquer the entire world. Our problem this week is Laos. Last week it was Cuba. Next week it may well be some place else. Some political commentators have suggested that President Kennedy cannot risk action which might involve a commitment of American forces be cause of the fear of criticism for being another Democratic war President. I can think of nothing more detrimental to our national interest. That is why I gave to President Kennedy the assurance that I now reiterate--I will support him to the hilt in backing positive action he may decide is necessary to resist further Communist aggression.

"However, we should not forget one lesson we learned from recent events. Whenever American prestige is to be committed on a major scale, we must be willing to commit enough power to obtain our objective even if all of our intelligence estimates prove wrong. Putting it bluntly, we should not start things unless we are prepared to finish them.

"Our deeds must match our words. We must never talk bigger than we are prepared to act. When our words are strong and our actions are timid, we end up appearing aggressive and weak at the same time. We cannot wish away the problem by brushing off nations like Cuba and Laos as 'unimportant peripheral areas.' If the smaller nations get the idea that we don't consider them important enough to fight for and that the Communists do, they will go down the Communist line like a row of dominoes.

"In his inaugural speech, President Kennedy said: 'Ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.' I believe the great majority of Americans, regardless of party, applaud this ideal. Up to this time, however, the Administration has sent program after program to the Congress which would have the Government do more for the people. Now is the time for the President to tell the American people what they can do for their country.''

*Candidate John Kennedy made a big issue of "prestige" in Election Year 1960, brandished secret U.S. Information Agency surveys to back up his effective campaign charge that U.S. prestige was falling fast around the world. Last week the Administration confirmed that, shortly after his inauguration, President Kennedy decided to stop those "prestige" polls.

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