A Week of Reason

It was a dark week for Soviet diplomacy in the U.N. In the past the Communists have often seemed to have an infallible touch with the small, excitable new nations, and critics of the U.N. have tended to write off the Afro-Asian "bloc"' as hopelessly proCommunist. But the situation looked very different when, twice in one day last week, the Moscow line on major policy items was rejected in favor of moderate stands.

In the General Assembly, defeat for the Soviets came on the question of censuring Portugal's role in Angola, the huge (481,000 sq. mi.) West African colony that twice in the past year has revolted against the harsh Portuguese regime. The U.N. subcommittee* appointed to investigate the problem last year was now ready with its report--highly critical of President Antonio de Oliveira Salazar's policies, but far more balanced than most "anticolonial" documents. The Communists demanded drastic action; Poland and Bulgaria put in a resolution calling for sanctions against Lisbon, and an arms embargo by Salazar's NATO allies.

Out in the Cold. This was certain to be opposed by all the big Western nations, which disapprove of Portugal's tough Angola dictatorship, but are hardly prepared to embark on reckless projects to force Salazar's hand. African and Asian delegations went to work on a milder proposal, urging Portugal to take steps toward giving Angola's people self-determination; their measure merely requested U.N. members to "use their influence" on Portugal and refrain from furnishing support that might be used by the Portuguese to suppress Angola's people. With but minor amendment, the Afro-Asian compromise was acceptable to almost every Western nation. That left the Reds out in the cold; their resolution was sharply defeated, and a milder version was approved by 99 to 2, with only Spain and South Africa opposed, France abstaining, and Portugal and Iceland absent.

At almost the same time, in the blue-and-gold Security Council chamber near by, the Russians were facing defeat in their other major maneuver of the week--an effort to stir up fresh trouble in the temporarily quiescent Congo.

Abruptly, Moscow had demanded a council meeting to discuss action against Secessionist Moise Tshombe of Katanga, whose unity negotiations with Central Congolese Premier Cyrille Adoula were moving slowly; the Russians' obvious intention was to get Tshombe excited again, poison the gradually improving atmosphere between the two Congolese groups.

Point of Order. Congolese Premier Adoula, about to leave for a visit to the U.S., was outraged by the Soviet stunt. He fired off a stiff cable to the U.N. from Leopoldville: PROTEST AGAINST THIS MANEUVER ... AT TIME WHEN SITUATION IN CONGO IS SHOWING MARKED IMPROVEMENT I SEE NO NEED FOR SUCH MEETING.

When Moscow's U.N. Delegate Valerian Zorin insisted on the emergency meeting anyway, the month's council president, Britain's Sir Patrick Dean, reluctantly called the eleven members together to consider Zorin's proposal. "First, however," he declared, "I recognize the representative of the United States on a point of order." This was U.S. Delegate Adlai Stevenson's signal to destroy the whole idea before it got started. "The government of the Congo as well as the Secretary-General and his associates," he said, "should be left alone to continue their work ... I hereby formally move the adjournment of this meeting."

The Final Vote. For nearly two hours, Russia's Zorin fought doggedly with Council President Sir Patrick over procedure.* Finally, Zorin's challenge came to a vote. By 7 to 2 (the U.A.R. and Ghana abstaining), it was defeated; then, by the same 7 to 2, Adlai Stevenson's motion for adjournment was carried. Of the Security Council's eleven members, only the U.S.S.R. and Communist Rumania raised their hands on Zorin's side.

At week's end, Congolese Premier Adoula arrived at U.N. headquarters to register his satisfaction with the vote. Although he stood before the General Assembly largely because of the U.S.'s heavy support of his wavering regime, Adoula was careful not to take sides, told the U.N. delegates that his foreign policy would be one of nonalignment so as to avoid "antagonisms of blocs." He called for more military aid to help his army keep the peace, declared his firm determination to re-establish order so that everyone in the Congo, "whether they be our nationals or foreigners," could enjoy freedom and security. On Adoula's schedule this week: talks with State Department officials, lunch at the White House.

*Bolivia's Carlos Salamanca (chairman), Dahomey's Louis Ignacio-Pinto, Federation of Malaya's Nik Ahmed Kamil, Finland's Ralph Enckell, Sudan's Omar Abdel Hamid Adeel. *And to the shock of delegates on the floor, getting help from Georgy Arkadiev, a Russian U.N. under secretary sitting beside Dean theoretically to give advice on Security Council procedure: instead, Arkadiev acted as partisan tipster, scrawling note after note to Zorin during the debate, apparently suggesting loopholes that might confound the council president. It was clear--and unconcealed--misconduct by an international civil servant.

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