Somewhat Nonconformist

A favorite Democratic pastime these days is explaining why Republican Barry Goldwater will not win his party's 1964 presidential nomination.

Last week, for example, a White House aide, obviously reflecting his boss's views, confided to newsmen that Goldwater and Nelson Rockefeller will knock each other off, opening the way for Pennsylvania's Governor William Scranton or, less likely, Michigan's Governor George Romney.

Then Walter Lippmann, high priest of liberal Democratic pundits, all but excommunicated Goldwater from the G.O.P. Goldwater, said Lippmann, probably will be refused the nomination because his "philosophy is radically opposed to the central traditions of the Republican Party, and is wholly alien to the moderate and conservative character of the American party system."

Lippmann accused Goldwater of viewing the Federal government as "a kind of foreign power which must be reduced and distrusted." Goldwater's brand of Republicanism is contrary to that of the "greatest" Republicans, Hamilton, Lincoln and Theodore Roosevelt, who "stood for a strong and evolving Federal power, not for a loose and impotent federation of states." As a man of "radically reactionary" views, Goldwater as presidential nominee would turn his party to a shambles. Throughout his critique, Lippmann's emphasis was on Goldwater's extremism.

Questions & Answers. When he isn't accused of being an extremist, Goldwater is usually denounced by his opponents for dealing in generalities. Last week, in an interview with U.S. News & World Report, he gave some specific answers, several of which could be called nonconformist.

He declined to declare his presidential candidacy, insisted that "I'm playing this thing by ear day by day," promised to announce his decision before the January filing deadline for the New Hampshire presidential primary. As for issues, he was, if not precise, at least voluble.

Would he consider himself a disciple of the "radical right"? Replied he: "I don't think I'm a radical in any position. I think there are some radicals in this country . . . but it's very difficult to put your finger on them. Just who are they?"

How does he stand on civil rights? "When people in the South ask me about my stand, I say I'm opposed completely to discrimination. I think that this is the problem--not segregation. But I hesitate as an Arizonan to go into some other state and try to tell them to do things. I discuss it with them, but using only moral persuasion."

What are his views on foreign aid? "If we have to live with foreign aid--and I don't think we do have to live with foreign economic aid--I think it should be used as a 'rifle,' aimed at specific areas where we can gain an advantage over the Russians."

How about a 1963 tax cut? "I fundamentally oppose any tax cut without a cut in expenditures."

What about the Soviet Union? "I have always favored withdrawing recognition from Russia. I never favored recognition from the start. . . I don't like to lend dignity and respect to an outfit that says they're out to bury us."

What would he do about Castro's Cuba? "The course I've advocated constantly, I've never changed on, would be a blockade--as Kennedy imposed--the training of Cuban exiles, the equipping of Cuban exiles. All of this should be done in conjunction with the Organization of American States. I would advocate the establishment of a single Cuban government--in exile. This would be the first 'must.' "

More Scrutiny. In the past, Goldwater had always said that he wanted to be nothing more than the leader of a cause, which he identified as "American conservatism." This permitted him to give his speeches an evangelistic ring and not get down too hard to cases.

As he moves more actively, more openly toward a run for the nation's highest office, his statements will come under increasingly closer scrutiny by an increasing number of people. Many of these people will not be worrying about Barry Goldwater's particular brand of conservatism. They will be looking to see if he has the basic qualities of mind and character to become a good President of the U.S.

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