A Year of Silent Cannons

Since 1959, Charles de Gaulle has used each new year as the occasion for a major policy speech to the people of France. Last week, once again, he went before the television cameras to make sonorous pronouncements on the state of his nation, and to examine critically the state of the world.

De Gaulle began by emphatically assuring Frenchmen that they had never had it so good. "For France the year that has ended was, in sum, favorable. In contrast with other times which were cruel and agitated, and despite the alarmist cries of insatiable partisans, we have encountered no catastrophes. Quite the contrary!"

Unseen Before. De Gaulle ticked off figures: national revenue up 5%, per capita income up 4% after investments, 325,000 housing units built, 520,000 places provided for new students in schools. It was not all roses, for inflation was rising (see WORLD BUSINESS), and industrial progress was slowing slightly, but there was justification for le grand Charles's rhetorical question: "When did we ever do so much in the past?" He viewed with pride the birth of 900,000 French babies last year and boasted that many of these newborn infants "will one day see a France with 100 million inhabitants."

This development and progress, De Gaulle continued, "could not have been possible if we had returned to the crises and impotence of the former regime. But the functioning of the public powers--government and Parliament--as it is governed by our constitution, as it is applied, as it was confirmed last year by the nation, enables the state to decide and act. In the midst of so many countries prey to troubles, jolts, uncertainties, the French Republic appears as the very example of political stability. This has never been seen before!"

"Our position in the world naturally reflects this internal situation," De Gaulle went on. "It is a fact that between Jan. 1 and Dec. 31, we have not had to fire a single cannon shot, something that has not happened in a quarter-century." With its own nuclear deterrent, France was now able to control its own destiny, a destiny that "since 1940 had been in the hands of others."

Ringingly, he declared: "France, because she can do so, because everything invites her to do so, because she is France, should conduct amid the world a world policy." No. 1 task in the year ahead: the union of Europe.

"It is a fact," said De Gaulle, "that in trying to place our relationship with Germany on a new basis, then in endeavoring to see that the European Economic Community was truly a community and truly European . . . that it did not allow itself either to disintegrate as a result of the admission of a new member [Britain], which could not conform to the rules, or be annexed to a system existing on the other side of the Atlantic [in the U.S.], we did much to clear the path leading to a united Europe." However, he allowed, in a rare concession to Atlantic unity, the new Europe must achieve "a truly concerted political, economic and strategic entente with America."

Glass of Champagne. Harking back to his favorite dream, De Gaulle saw in the misty future a far bigger Europe than most of his contemporaries could imagine. "We must envisage the day," he declared, "when, perhaps, in Warsaw, Prague, Pankow, Budapest, Bucharest, Sofia, Belgrade, Tirana and Moscow, the totalitarian Communist regime which still succeeds in keeping these peoples locked up will gradually come to an evolution compatible with our own transformation. Then there would be open to Europe, as a whole, prospects in keeping with its resources and its capabilities." His immediate goal was, no doubt, his pet Europe des patries (Europe of the fatherlands), which would cap the Common Market with a political organization where ultimate decision lay with heads of governments.

Receiving newsmen at an Elysee reception a few nights later, De Gaulle, holding a glass of champagne, smilingly observed, "The whole world is calm now. Even the Chinese are trotting around." He added, "At this moment there is a state of mind favorable to making European progress. People seem to wish it. The question is one of knowing how to do it, at what time and to what degree. There had to be an initiative, so we made proposals. Others can do likewise, or they can take up France's proposal."

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