Home Is Where the Hearth Is

For many weeks, New York's Governor Nelson Rockefeller ranged far and wide to chase the Republican presidential nomination--squeezing shoulders in New Hampshire, shaking hands in California, genially crying "Hiya, fella!" in Oregon, Florida, Illinois and Missouri. During this year's session of the New York State legislature, Rocky was in Albany barely half the time.

His absence made no legislative hearts grow fonder. "The People Are Watching." Last week, as the legislature entered its final hours, it suddenly became clear that Rocky's feet were being held to the fire on his home-state hearth. Republicans controlled both assembly (85 to 65) and senate (33 to 25). But three of Rocky's favorite legislative proposals --outlawing full-crew railroad featherbedding practices, revising the 30-year-old state liquor laws and creating a tough legislative code of ethics--were deep in trouble. Since Rocky had no out-of-state political visits on his schedule last week anyway, he declared dramatically that he would stay home "until my legislative program is acted upon." It was too late.

Early in the week, both houses ignored Rocky's threats that "the legislature cannot go home without strong and effective action on ethics," passed a milksop code by huge majorities. Then they refused to repeal the railroad fullcrew laws. That left Rocky all but empty-handed--unless he could muscle the liquor-law revisions through. And on this, Rocky belatedly decided to take his stand.

He had good reason. Last year, his administration had been shaken by revelations of blatant corruption among Rockefeller-appointed officials in the State Liquor Authority. After an investigation of the mess, a special commission recommended major liquor-law reforms. The key proposal was a bill that would eliminate legalized liquor price fixing in New York: present price fixing adds about $1 to the price of a fifth of booze in New York. On behalf of his liquor bills, Rocky sent a scathing message to the legislature.

Said he: "The lobbies, halls and galleries of the legislature are jammed with liquor lobbyists presenting their special interests. The issues before the legislature are plain: shall the special interests of the few prevail over those of all the people? Shall the seedbeds of corruption remain or be uprooted? Shall public confidence in the greatness and integrity of New York State government be preserved? The people are watching."

Away Again. Even Rocky's own Republicans were enraged and said so. Declared G.O.P. Senator Thomas Laverne of Rochester: "The Governor has put us in an impossible political position: if we oppose the legislation and vote our beliefs, we are said to be pressured by a 'sinister' lobby. If I vote for them, I'm a jackal knuckling under pressure. I wonder if the Governor's anxiety isn't an attempt to shift the real responsibility for the problems in this area? Didn't they stem from scandals in his executive department, in an agency headed by his own appointee?"

For two days the Republican leadership delayed adjournment, tried desperately and loyally to muster the votes. But whatever support they may have had earlier had now withered before Rocky's stinging accusations. The liquor bills were overwhelmingly beaten (the key measure by 100 to 39) in a bitter nighttime session. Stunned by his worst political defeat, Rocky called a press conference at 1:30 in the morning, announced that he would demand that the legislature return for a special session April 15 to pass the liquor reforms.

Then he got ready to leave this week for Oregon and California, where there are more presidential primaries May 15 and June 2.

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