Preview of a Candidate

When Gaston Defferre gives a jolly imitation of his great adversary--holding out his arms in the familiar, world-embracing gesture--the difference between the two men is at once clear.

Charles de Gaulle towers over people as an inspirational figure, and even his expressions of humor are somehow Alpine; Defferre stands solidly among people, with all the warmth and wit that stamp him a man of the Mediterranean.

As mayor of Marseille and the only declared challenger in France's next presidential election (which by the constitution must be held before the end of next year), Defferre visited the U.S. last week, called on President Johnson, gave other top Administration members (Rusk, McNamara) and the press a preview of what things will be like if ever he becomes President of France.

Poured Money. Defferre tried to avoid any impression of being the "American candidate." By criticizing De Gaulle's highhanded policy, he "does not at all mean to say that France or any other European country should be subordinated to the U.S. I have come here to make it clear!" But Defferre sharply disagrees with De Gaulle on:

sbNUCLEAR POLICY. He attacks the French independent nuclear deterrent, says that France cannot afford the second-generation missile stage, advocates developing a European nuclear force based on a real political authority. But he also opposes the U.S.-sponsored multilateral Polaris force as "no real solution." sbBRITAIN'S COMMON MARKET ENTRY. Defferre deplores De Gaulle's veto, promised that if elected he would work to achieve Britain's admission. sbRECOGNITION OF RED CHINA. Al though long in favor of recognition, Defferre criticizes De Gaulle's timing and failure to consult his allies. If elected, Defferre would not go back on recognition, however, "because it is done." sbFRENCH FOREIGN AID. Defferre wants it largely limited to France's former colonies, not scattered in ambitious prestige projects elsewhere. The money saved, he says, should be poured into badly needed housing, schools and elec tric power at home. sbMANNER. Defferre would try to in stitute a genuine "dialogue" in place of the "monologue" that is De Gaulle's method of conducting foreign policy.

Questioners wondered just how socialist was Socialist Defferre. The answer seemed to be, not very. Defferre, who owns a yacht and bosses a prosperous newspaper, Le Provencal, would extend nationalization only to a few businesses "too much identified with the Gaullist regime," and possibly to the big, privately owned investment banks. Defferre, of course, promises to reverse the rising French cost of living, which has resulted in a plague of nationwide strikes by civil servants and factory workers.

Broken Hold. Though he wants to oust De Gaulle, Defferre has no intention of returning to the late unlamented Fourth Republic, with its dreary succession of ephemeral governments. He concedes that French voters now prefer a strong President and promises to retain the Gaullist constitution, but without De Gaulle's self-assumed special powers, which Defferre considers a breach of that constitution.

U.S. observers generally give Defferre high marks as an articulate, engaging personality and a fine, practical politician. Yet he is given little chance of breaking De Gaulle's lordly hold on the French voter. Defferre hopefully points to Britain's postwar rejection of glory-minded Winston Churchill for the prosaic, practical Clement Attlee. The French, too, he feels, may be tired of glory, and he is quite content to picture himself as a Gallic Attlee.

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