Dictator's Comeback

All that could be heard in Colombia's Congress was the jeers of the opposition. Pleadingly, the nation's President, Guillermo Leon Valencia, 55, raised his hands for quiet. "Liar!" howled the opposition. "Assassin!" As TV cameras flashed the scene to fascinated viewers, Valencia fought to be heard. "There are slaves," he shouted into the din, "who despite their freedom hold a nostalgia for chains!"

Three weeks have elapsed since that noisy opening of Colombia's Congress, but Bogota's capitol building still rings with the shrill cries of the same opposition. Its aim is the overthrow of President Valencia and the end of the fragile, six-year-old coalition of Liberals and Conservatives that governs Colombia. The opposition's leader: Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, 64, a deposed and discredited ex-dictator who is making a surprising comeback. Right now, Rojas and his followers are little more than a swarm of annoying gnats, but the swarm is growing.

Ambitious & Corrupt. The thought of Rojas in power again is chilling to many Colombians. A tough and ambitious military man, he led a successful coup in 1953, soon became the model of the ruthless Latin American strongman--ruling by decree, censoring all newspapers, quashing political opposition. He lavished millions on the army, acquired at least nine ranches and generally proved so corrupt that a military-civilian coup sent him packing into exile in Spain in 1957. A year later when Rojas returned the government stripped him of his decorations and pensions, and barred him from voting or seeking office. Otherwise he was left alone, and that was a mistake.

Gathering a cluster of followers, he formed his National Popular Alliance Party, carefully keeping his own name off the rolls, and started feeding on the country's discontent. In the 1962 congressional elections, Rojas' party won six seats in the 192-seat Congress. In this year's March elections, his party jumped to 27 seats.

Strategy of Standstill. Helping Rojas along is the fumbling record of Valencia's government. Under Valencia, the military has mounted a highly successful campaign against backlands banditry (TIME, June 26). But that is about the only bright spot. The cost of living has zoomed 54% in eight months, unemployment is running 10%, trade and budget deficits remain dangerously high. Colombia's ambitious, ten-year development program--begun in 1958 under the administration of Alberto Lleras Camargo--is threatened by graft and inefficiency. Scandals have erupted everywhere, from the import license office to government housing projects. As the government sinks deeper into trouble, the country's Liberal-Conservative coalition is gradually fragmenting into its old warring factions. "Revolution is the only solution," urges Rojas. "This government cannot finish its term because it would finish the nation."

Rojas' party and other opposition allies in Congress are only three votes short of the one-third they need to block legislation. His strategy is to bring Colombia to a standstill in hopes of triggering a revolt among the increasingly restless military; he then believes that he could negotiate his way to power. That failing, Rojas hopes to marshal enough strength by the 1966 elections so that his party will win either the presidency or a congressional majority. "The people and the army are with me," he boasts, "and if they keep clamoring for my candidacy, I would not hesitate to become President again."

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