The New Peronismo

For almost a decade, 3,000,000 of Argentina's 21 million people have lived outside the country's normal political life. They are the Peronistas, long loyal to ex-Dictator Juan Domingo Peron, 69, and his promise to return to Argentina leading another revolution. Last week 17 Peronista leaders were back in Buenos Aires after a five-day conference with El Lider in Madrid. As always, Peron vowed to return. But not as a revolutionary this time. The aging strongman now sees himself as conciliator, who would stay only long enough--possibly two or three months--to help reintegrate the Peronistas peacefully back into the country's mainstream. The amazing thing is that the Argentine government may let him try.

The new sound of Peronismo is quite a switch from the shrill cries that have emanated from Madrid since Peron was toppled in 1955. The man behind it is not so much Peron himself as Augusto Timoteo Vandor, 43, El Lider's new top lieutenant in Argentina. A onetime navy mechanic, Vandor drifted into the powerful, 275,000-member Metallurgical Workers Union in the early 1950s, quietly made his way up through the union hierarchy, and was soon reaching for control of the entire Peronista movement. His chief opponent was Andres Framini, 50, head of the 100,000 member Textile Workers Union and longtime power within the General Labor Command.

Wolf at the Door. Framini and Vandor are a study in contrasts. Framini, the stolid embodiment of the old Peronismo, is boastful, loudly emotional, disorganized; his course is "revolution" and an "open fight." Vandor is more flexible--and smart enough to know that Peron could never rule Argentina as dictator again. He believes in "Peronismo without Peron," talks "negotiation" and "legalismo."

Known as El Lobo, the wolf, Vandor quickly proved his cunning against Framini. Using his own union as a base, he pumped funds into poorer unions to win friends and influence people. In a series of angry union fights, Vandor's supporters took over in more and more unions. By last May, Vandor was strong enough to beat Framini in an election for control of the Peronistas.

To demonstrate his power to the government of President Arturo Illia, Vandor demanded a freeze on basic commodity prices, a hike in retirement benefits, and a $100 minimum monthly salary. When the government stalled, some 2,000,000 workers "occupied" 10,000 Argentine factories between May and June, for anywhere from a few minutes to a few hours. When it was over, the government met almost every demand.

Up to the Army. Now Vandor wants the Illia government to give back the full political rights denied Peronistas since Peron's fall: the right to organize legally as a political party and run for all offices up to and including the presidency. (Peronistas have had the right to vote, but always under one restraint or another.) In return Vandor promises a responsible, cooperative movement that will support the Illia government for the good of Argentina. Vandor feels that with a well-organized labor movement behind the party, the Peronistas could end up with at least 35 congressional seats after next year's elections. By 1969, they may even be ready to enter the presidential race.

Peron's role in all this would be to lend his physical presence to the deal presumably to make speeches and convince the rank and file that he is 100% behind the integration and that the Illia government should be supported. Once the Peronistas are back in circulation, Peron would probably "retire," and his mantle would fall to Vandor. Whether Peron is permitted to return depends on President Illia, whose ineffectual minority government could certainly use some support--and on the Argentine military men, who have long been violently anti-Peron.

Last week rumors flooded Buenos Aires that the government was seriously considering a deal with Peron. President Illia himself lent credence to the story with a statement that "Peron's return is up to Peron." As for the military, at least one retired general has already made a survey of key Argentine brass. He found reaction surprisingly favorable. Fortnight ago, an Argentine colonel and two lieutenant colonels, traveling under false names, turned up for secret talks at Peron's villa on the outskirts of Madrid. El Eider's man Vandor has no doubts. "Peron will return this year," he says.

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